Category: Sectarian Voilence

  • The Straight Path: A Discourse on Islamic Sects

    The Straight Path: A Discourse on Islamic Sects

    This text is a transcription of a lecture discussing the internal conflict within the Tablighi Jamaat, a large Islamic missionary movement. The speaker details the history of the Jamaat, highlighting key figures and events leading to a schism in 2016. He explores the underlying causes of the division, including succession disputes and differing interpretations of religious practices. The lecture further examines the broader context of sectarianism in Islam, emphasizing the importance of adhering to the Quran and Sunnah while advocating for tolerance and unity among diverse Muslim groups. Finally, the speaker urges a return to core Islamic principles to resolve the conflict and prevent further division within the Muslim community.

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    Tablighi Jamaat and Sectarianism: A Study Guide

    Quiz

    Answer each question in 2-3 sentences.

    1. What are the two factions that have formed within the Tablighi Jamaat in recent years and what is the primary point of conflict between them?
    2. What are the three main centers of the Tablighi Jamaat’s annual gatherings, and where are they located?
    3. What are the titles of the two books used by the Tablighi Jamaat that have recently become a source of controversy, and why are they controversial?
    4. What is the historical context of the Deobandi and Barelvi conflict, and what is the central issue of contention?
    5. Who was Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi and what is his significance to the Tablighi Jamaat?
    6. According to the speaker, what is the primary issue that caused the split in the Tablighi Jamaat after the death of Maulana Inamul Hasan?
    7. What is the speaker’s view on sectarianism within Islam and what does he argue is the source of division?
    8. According to the speaker, what is the importance of the Quran and Sunnah, and how should Muslims approach the interpretation of these sources?
    9. How does the speaker analyze the hadith of the 73 sects in relation to sectarianism?
    10. What is the speaker’s perspective on the role of the Imams in Islamic jurisprudence, and what is his specific objection to the way they are followed by some Muslims?

    Quiz Answer Key

    1. The two factions within the Tablighi Jamaat are the “building group,” which focuses on infrastructure and organization, and the “Shura group,” which adheres to a council-based leadership structure. The primary conflict is over leadership and authority, stemming from a dispute regarding the appointment of an amir (leader).
    2. The three main centers of the Tablighi Jamaat’s annual gatherings are in Tongi (Bangladesh), near Lahore (Pakistan), and the Nizamuddin center in Delhi (India). These gatherings draw huge numbers of participants and are significant events in the Tablighi Jamaat calendar.
    3. The two books are “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity.” They are controversial because they contain accounts of outlandish Sufi events and stories, which some find to be inconsistent with a strict adherence to the Qur’an and Sunnah.
    4. The conflict between the Deobandi and Barelvi sects began after the establishment of the Deoband Madrasah and is rooted in differing views on Sufi practices and the authority of Hadith. Each group holds the other as not being a true Muslim, even though they both come from the Sunni and Hanafi schools of thought.
    5. Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi was the founder of the Tablighi Jamaat, who started the movement in 1926 as an effort to educate Muslims at the basic level of the religion. He focused on teaching Muslims about ablutions and prayers, expanding the movement to various villages.
    6. According to the speaker, the primary cause of the split in the Tablighi Jamaat was the failure to reestablish the Shoori (council) after the death of Maulana Inamul Hasan and a power struggle, resulting in the appointment of Maulana Saad Kandhalvi without the proper consultation.
    7. The speaker views sectarianism as a curse and believes the primary source of division within the Islamic community is the creation of factions and the adherence to traditions and teachings outside of the Qur’an and Sunnah. He advocates for unity based on the teachings of the Qur’an and Sunnah.
    8. The speaker emphasizes that the Qur’an and Sunnah are the supreme and fundamental sources of guidance in Islam. He advises that Muslims approach the interpretation of these sources by referencing Hadith and avoiding opinions or traditions that deviate from their teachings.
    9. The speaker argues that the hadith of the 73 sects does not command Muslims to create sects. Rather, it is a prediction of what will happen. He states that the Qur’an orders Muslims not to create sects and to reject interpretations of Hadith that justify divisiveness.
    10. The speaker believes that the Imams should be respected but that their sayings should not supersede the Qur’an and Sunnah. He objects to how some Muslims follow Imams dogmatically rather than directly studying the Qur’an and Hadith, specifically referencing the act of kissing the thumb.

    Essay Questions

    1. Analyze the historical development of the Tablighi Jamaat, including its origins, growth, and the internal conflicts that have led to its current state of division. How has the legacy of Ilyas Kandhalvi shaped the trajectory of the movement?
    2. Discuss the role of religious texts in the Tablighi Jamaat, focusing on the controversial books “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity,” and the impact of these books on the schism within the Jamaat. How do they compare to more canonical texts of the Qur’an and Sunnah?
    3. Examine the issue of sectarianism within Islam as described by the speaker. What are the core issues that contribute to sectarian divisions, and how does he suggest overcoming them? What are the obstacles to creating unity within Islam, as identified by the speaker?
    4. Compare and contrast the speaker’s approach to understanding Islam with the practices of the Tablighi Jamaat and its various factions. In what ways does the speaker attempt to be a neutral observer while also providing an analysis of the movement’s theological underpinnings?
    5. Discuss the speaker’s emphasis on the Qur’an and Sunnah as the primary sources of guidance in Islam. How does this compare with the speaker’s understanding of the role of the Imams and the traditional schools of thought?

    Glossary of Key Terms

    • Tablighi Jamaat: A transnational Islamic missionary movement that encourages Muslims to return to a strict adherence to Sunni Islam.
    • Deobandi: A Sunni Islamic reform movement that emphasizes a strict interpretation of the Qur’an and Hadith, with a focus on education and missionary work.
    • Barelvi: A Sunni Islamic movement that emphasizes love and devotion to the Prophet Muhammad and includes practices that some consider Sufi, often in opposition to the Deobandi view.
    • Ahl al-Hadith: A movement within Sunni Islam that emphasizes the importance of direct study of the Hadith, and often opposes Sufi practices or traditions not directly found in the texts.
    • Shura: A consultative council used in Islamic decision-making. In this context, it refers to the leadership council within the Tablighi Jamaat.
    • Amir: A leader or commander, often used to denote the head of a religious group or organization. In this context, it is the disputed leadership position within the Tablighi Jamaat.
    • Nizamuddin Center: The original headquarters of the Tablighi Jamaat in Delhi, India.
    • Raiwand Center: A major center of the Tablighi Jamaat located in Pakistan.
    • Tongi (Bangladesh): A town near Dhaka, Bangladesh, known for hosting one of the largest annual Tablighi Jamaat gatherings.
    • Virtues of Deeds/Virtues of Charity: Two books written by Shaykh Zakaria Kandhalvi used by the Tablighi Jamaat that have become controversial for containing outlandish Sufi stories and accounts.
    • Hayat al-Sahaba: A book written by Yusuf Kandhalvi about the lives of the companions of the Prophet, used within the Tablighi Jamaat.
    • Ijtihad: The process of making a legal decision based on the Islamic legal tradition. The term refers to reasoned interpretation of Islamic law by qualified scholars.
    • Sunnah: The practice and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, serving as a secondary source of guidance for Muslims after the Qur’an.
    • Hadith: The recorded sayings, actions, and approvals of the Prophet Muhammad, which are used to guide Muslims in their religious practice and understanding.
    • Qur’an: The holy scripture of Islam, considered by Muslims to be the word of God as revealed to the Prophet Muhammad.
    • Ahl al-Bayt: The family of the Prophet Muhammad, including his descendants, wives, and other close relatives.
    • Tawheed: The concept of the oneness of God in Islam, which emphasizes that there is no other god but Allah.
    • Ghadir Khum: A specific location where the Prophet Muhammad is said to have delivered a sermon about the importance of Ahl al-Bayt.
    • Rifa al-Ideen: The practice of raising hands during prayer, specifically when going into and rising from the bowing position (Ruku’). This is a point of contention for some Sunni Muslims.
    • Ijma: The consensus of the Muslim scholars on a particular issue of law or practice.
    • Fard: A religious obligation in Islam that is considered a duty for all Muslims.
    • Mujaddid: A renewer of the faith, who is seen as coming at the turn of each century in the Islamic calendar to restore Islamic practice back to the traditions of the Prophet and his companions.
    • Nasbiy: A derogatory term given to individuals who show animosity toward the family of the Prophet Muhammad.
    • Kharijites: An early sect of Islam who broke away from mainstream Islam over political and religious disputes.
    • Wahhabi Movement: An Islamic revivalist movement that promotes a strict adherence to Islamic doctrine and often views other Muslims as apostate.
    • Shia: A sect of Islam that believe Ali ibn Abi Talib was the rightful successor to the Prophet Muhammad.
    • Qadiani: A group that stems from the Ahmadiyya movement that was founded in 1889. Orthodox Muslims don’t consider them to be proper Muslims.

    Tablighi Jamaat Schism and Islamic Unity

    Okay, here is a detailed briefing document analyzing the provided text:

    Briefing Document: Analysis of Discourse on the Tablighi Jamaat and Sectarianism within Islam

    Date: October 22, 2024 (based on the text’s context)

    Source: Excerpts from a transcript of a public session (number 179) held on December 29, 2024

    Overview:

    This briefing document summarizes a lengthy and complex discourse that primarily centers on the Tablighi Jamaat, a large Islamic organization, and its recent internal divisions. The speaker, who identifies as an engineer and a scholar of the Quran and Sunnah, provides a critical historical overview of the group, its origins, and its current conflict. The speaker also uses this specific conflict as a springboard to discuss broader issues within Islam, such as sectarianism, the importance of adhering directly to the Quran and Sunnah, and the dangers of blind following of tradition. The tone is critical yet somewhat sympathetic, seeking to inform and to advocate for a more unified and Quran-centered approach to Islam.

    Key Themes and Ideas:

    1. The Tablighi Jamaat and Its Internal Strife:
    • Origins and Growth: The Tablighi Jamaat was founded by Ilyas Kandhalvi in 1926 with the aim of teaching basic religious practices to Muslims. The speaker acknowledges their hard work and dedication to going “from village to village to town to town to the mosque” and expresses personal “love for the people of Tablighi Jamaat” for their self-sacrifice.
    • Current Division: For the past nine years, the Tablighi Jamaat has been split into two factions: one focused on the “building system” and the other on the “Shuri” (consultative council). The text specifies that the schism became public in 2015. This conflict recently resulted in violence at their annual gathering in Bangladesh on December 18, 2024, with “five people were martyred and more than a hundred were injured.”
    • Accusations and Rhetoric: Each group accuses the other of various offenses, including calling the opposing group “Saadiani” which is intentionally close to “Qadiani” in sound, suggesting they are heretical, and that one side is an “Indian agent” while other “is pro-Pakistan.”
    • Leadership Dispute: The dispute over leadership can be traced to the death of Inamul Hasan in 1995 and the failure to name a successor, resulting in a power vacuum and ultimately, the schism between Maulana Saad Kandhalvi and the Shura based in Raiwand. The speaker argues that the Tablighi Jamaat, which is generally averse to public sectarianism, is publicly showcasing its division.
    1. Sectarianism Within Islam:
    • Historical Context: The speaker traces the historical roots of sectarianism in Islam, highlighting the Deobandi-Barelvi divide, which emerged in the early 20th century. They note that before the Deoband madrasa, distinctions between Muslims were not as significant, focusing instead on legal schools of thought.
    • Critique of Sectarianism: The speaker argues that sectarianism is a “curse” and a deviation from the true teachings of Islam. The speaker emphasizes the need to avoid sectarian labels. They believe that sectarianism and the lack of tolerance prevents Muslim unity.
    • Critique of Following Elders: The speaker takes issue with the practice of following elders in a tradition, that results in the failure to adhere to and interpret the Qur’an and Sunnah directly.
    • Call for Unity through Diversity: The speaker advocates for a form of unity that acknowledges diversity and encourages scholarly debate while emphasizing common ground in the Qur’an and Sunnah.
    1. Importance of the Quran and Sunnah:
    • Primary Sources: The speaker insists that the Quran and the Sunnah (the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad) are the primary sources of guidance in Islam.
    • Rejection of Sectarian Interpretations: They are critical of sectarian interpretations of the Quran and Sunnah, particularly in the area of worship. They find that traditions based on the sayings of elders result in a loss of adherence to the true practices described in Hadith (collections of the sayings and actions of the Prophet).
    • Emphasis on Understanding: The speaker emphasizes the importance of understanding the meaning of the Quran, rather than simply reciting it without comprehension. The speaker strongly criticizes the Tablighi Jamaat for relying more on books of virtue than on the text of the Qur’an itself. They cite the example of the practice of Rafa ul-Yadayn (raising hands during prayer), which they see as a clear example of adherence to Sunnah over sectarian custom. The speaker states that “The entire religion of the whole stands on it.” in regards to following the recorded traditions of how the Prophet practiced Islam.
    1. Critique of Traditional Islamic Practices:
    • Sufi Influences: The speaker is critical of certain Sufi practices and beliefs, particularly those found in books such as “Virtues of Deeds”, used by the Tablighi Jamaat before being removed by Maulana Saad Kandalvi. They reject stories in these books that conflict with the Quran and Sunnah.
    • Rejection of Imitation of Religious Leaders: The speaker states “we don’t believe any sage, we don’t believe traitors, yes, we believe those who are loyal to the Messenger of Allah”. They reject the practice of following particular religious leaders and state that the “Imams are not at fault” and “we are not saying anything to Imam Hanifa, Imam Shafi’i, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, Imam Malik, to his followers”, but reject religious leaders’ ideas that do not follow Quran and Sunnah.
    1. The Concept of “The Straight Path” (Sirat al-Mustaqim):
    • Emphasis on following the straight path. The speaker quotes a hadith about the Prophet drawing a straight line, representing the true path, and many crooked lines, representing the paths of deviation, and urges adherence to the Quran and Sunnah in an effort to avoid “paths of the devil”.
    • Call to adhere to the way of the blessed The speaker concludes by stating that “They have not made their own paths and whoever has deviated from their path is the wrongdoer.” The speaker makes this statement in the context of the Prophet’s path and those who have followed the same path.

    Quotes of Significance:

    • “It is a very big international news for Muslims. Therefore, it is not only a cause of pain and suffering, but also a cause of shame.” – On the Tablighi Jamaat conflict.
    • “No Muslim in the world called himself a Deobandi before the Hanafis There was a difference between the Shafi’is and the Sunnis, but the difference was not that these Deobandis were Muslims…” – On the historical context of sectarianism.
    • “I think sectarianism is a curse and we should avoid it.” – On the speaker’s stance on sectarianism.
    • “The whole issue of sectarianism is going on and then we started the work of a separate invitation, not to form a congregation…” – On the speaker’s organization.
    • “…the Quran and the Sunnah of His Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him). The Qur’an Who wants to believe that the Qur’an and the Sunnah are one and the same, these are not optional things in this regard, there are two sources in parallel, the one who denies the Sunnah is not misguided, brother, he is a disbeliever…” – On the importance of following the Sunnah.
    • “This book is meant to end the differences between Jews and Christians. The book made the Companions and now Rizwan out of misguidance and made them the imam of the whole humanity and you are saying that differences will arise…” – On the unifying effect of the Qur’an.
    • “…after the departure of the Messenger of Allah, the Qur’an is the supreme caliph on this planet earth…” – On the final authority of the Quran after the Prophet.
    • “These are crooked lines, isn’t there a devil sitting on top of each line, who is calling you to him, and in the center of which I have drawn a straight line.” He placed his finger on it and said, “I recited the verse of the Qur’an, ‘The straight path,’ and this is my path, which is the straight path, so follow it…” – On the importance of following the straight path.

    Analysis:

    The speaker’s analysis is comprehensive, historically informed, and critical of the status quo within many Islamic communities. They advocate for a return to the primary sources of Islam (Quran and Sunnah) while rejecting sectarianism, blind following of tradition, and innovations that go against the Prophet’s teachings. The speaker uses the current conflict within the Tablighi Jamaat as a case study to illustrate the harmful effects of sectarianism and the importance of following the straight path. They highlight the significance of adherence to the way of the blessed in following the straight path.

    Potential Implications:

    This discourse has the potential to provoke discussion and debate within Muslim communities. It is a call for a critical engagement with religious traditions, pushing for a more Quran and Sunnah focused practice of Islam, and it might encourage Muslims to look beyond traditional sectarian divisions. However, the speaker’s criticism of established practices and leadership may be met with resistance from those within those traditional systems. The speaker intends to encourage followers of these paths to reevaluate some of their beliefs and practices, but also to treat other Muslims with respect regardless of their sect.

    Conclusion:

    This public session provides a detailed and nuanced commentary on a specific conflict within the Tablighi Jamaat while touching on wider issues of sectarianism and correct Islamic practice. The speaker advocates for reform, tolerance, and a return to the primary sources of Islam in the interest of creating a unified and more tolerant Muslim community. The message is powerful, but is likely to be controversial.

    The Tablighi Jamaat: Division and Disunity

    Frequently Asked Questions

    • What is the Tablighi Jamaat and what are its main activities?
    • The Tablighi Jamaat is a large, international Islamic organization that originated in India around 1926. It focuses on encouraging Muslims to adhere to basic Islamic practices like prayer, ablution, and reading the Quran. They are known for their door-to-door preaching efforts, often traveling from village to village, mosque to mosque, promoting these fundamentals. The organization emphasizes personal sacrifice and religious devotion among its members, who often fund their missionary activities from their own pockets. It is also noteworthy for its large gatherings, particularly in Tongi, Bangladesh, near Lahore, Pakistan, and at Nizamuddin, in Delhi, India. They have centers established in roughly 170 countries and are considered to be the largest organization in the Muslim world.
    • Why has the Tablighi Jamaat recently been in the news?
    • The Tablighi Jamaat has experienced significant internal conflict and division in recent years, stemming from disagreements over leadership and the methodology of preaching. This has led to the formation of two main factions: one aligned with the “building system” (construction and management of centers), and the other focused on the “Shura” (consultative council). These divisions have manifested in clashes, most notably at their annual gathering in Bangladesh on December 18, 2024, resulting in deaths and injuries. The accusations flying between the factions are also a factor in the media coverage, with each side accusing the other of various wrongdoings.
    • What are the main points of contention between the two factions within the Tablighi Jamaat?
    • The core of the conflict involves disputes over leadership succession following the death of previous leaders. This culminated in Maulana Saad Kandhalvi unilaterally declaring himself Amir (leader) in 2016, leading to a split from the Shura council, the original group. The original Shura group felt that the 10 member Shura should have selected a new amir as decided in 1993. This resulted in each faction declaring the other’s mosques to be illegitimate, while accusations of betrayal and even foreign influence (Indian Agent), are common in the videos uploaded by the different factions. The factions differ also on the usage of specific books, for instance, Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s faction no longer endorses “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity,” which have been sources of controversy.
    • What is the significance of the books “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity” and why are they now controversial?
    • These books, authored by Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi, have historically been a part of the Tablighi Jamaat’s curriculum. However, they have come under criticism for containing narratives and stories perceived as fantastical, and for promoting ideas associated with Sufi practices and beliefs. Some critics, including Maulana Tariq Jameel, have argued that these narratives are not grounded in the Qur’an or the Sunnah. It’s also important to note that the authorship of these texts has been a factor, as the books are from the father of Maulana Saad Kanlavi, who was in the party of Sufism and Peri Muridi. This is why Saad Kandhalvi banned the books.
    • How does the Tablighi Jamaat relate to the broader historical conflict between the Deobandi and Barelvi schools of thought?
    • The Tablighi Jamaat is rooted in the Deobandi school of thought, which emerged as a reaction against certain Sufi practices and beliefs. The Deobandi school originated with the establishment of the Deoband Madrasa. This madrasa was formed because its scholars began to differ from Sufi thought, specifically taking aspects from the Ahl al-Hadith school. The Barelvi school of thought, in response, arose in 1904 in opposition to the Deobandi school and their deviations from Sufi thought. This led to a long-standing theological and cultural conflict between these two schools, with each side accusing the other of being outside the fold of Islam. This history of sectarianism affects how each faction within the Tablighi Jamaat views the other.
    • How does the speaker view the role of sectarianism in Islam?
    • The speaker views sectarianism as a detrimental force in Islam, believing it to be a curse. He argues that divisions and sects are a violation of the Qur’anic injunction to “hold fast to the rope of Allah and do not be divided into sects”. He believes the constant infighting and accusations of disbelief that each sect throws at each other creates disunity. He stresses that Muslims should primarily adhere to the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad and avoid creating sects. He further asserts that each group thinks that their way is right, and because of that, it is easy for that group to deem all other groups are on the path to hell. He supports a more tolerant approach to differences in practice, where groups should focus on constructive scholarly criticism rather than outright denouncement.
    • What is the speaker’s position on following the Qur’an and the Sunnah?
    • The speaker strongly emphasizes that the Qur’an and the Sunnah are the primary sources of guidance for Muslims. He maintains that the method for the prayer was not described in the Quran, and therefore must come from the Sunnah and its related Hadiths. He argues that adherence to these sources will prevent Muslims from going astray, as the Prophet’s final instructions centered around these two things. He also stresses the importance of understanding the Qur’an rather than simply reciting it without comprehension. He highlights a hadith in which the Prophet (PBUH) states the best book of Allah is the Book of Allah, and the best path is that of Muhammad, and that any new actions in religion are considered heresies and will lead to hell.
    • What is the significance of the Hadith of Ghadeer Khum, and what does it tell us about the two things the Prophet left behind?

    The speaker considers the Hadith of Ghadeer Khum to be of the highest importance. It details the Prophet, peace be upon him, declaring that he was leaving behind two weighty things for his followers: the Qur’an and his Ahl al-Bayt (his family). This is considered an important hadith because the Quran is not just a book, but rather “The Rope of Allah”, that if followed closely, will keep one from going astray. The Hadith goes on to say that the Prophet (PBUH) implores his followers to treat the Ahl al-Bayt well. The speaker believes that this hadith shows the significance of the Qur’an and also the importance of respecting the Prophet’s family. He argues that the Muslim Ummah has failed to uphold either of these.

    The Tablighi Jamaat Schism

    Okay, here’s the timeline and cast of characters based on the provided text:

    Timeline of Events

    • 1904: Madrasah Manzarul Islam Barelwi is built, marking the formal establishment of the Barelvi sect.
    • 1905:Five Fatwas of infidelity (Hussam al-Haramayin) are issued against Deobandi scholars by Barelvi scholars.
    • Einstein publishes his Special Theory of Relativity, while the Deobandi-Barelvi conflict escalates.
    • Deobandi scholars write Al-Muhand Ali Al-Mufand in response to accusations of infidelity, but these are not accepted by the Barelvis.
    • 1926: Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi starts the work of Tablighi Jamaat in Mewat, initially focused on educating Muslims.
    • 1944: Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi dies.
    • 1965: Maulana Yusuf Kandhalvi, Ilyas’s son, dies at the age of 48 after serving as Amir for 21 years; he wrote Hayat al-Sahaba.
    • 1965: Instead of Yusuf’s son, Haroon, Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi appoints his son-in-law, Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi, as the Amir of Tablighi Jamaat.
    • 1981: Dawat-e-Islami is formed by Barelvi scholars, with access to existing Barelvi mosques.
    • 1993: Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi forms a ten-member council to choose a successor as Amir.
    • 1995: Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi dies; the ten-member council fails to choose a new Amir, and the leadership falls to the council.
    • 2007: The speaker of the text attends the Tablighi Jamaat gathering at Raiwind on 2nd November.
    • 2008: The speaker moves towards Ahl al-Hadith beliefs.
    • 2009: The speaker starts to understand issues of sectarianism
    • 2010: The speaker starts regular video recordings of Quran classes in October.
    • March 2014: Maulana Zubair Al Hasan, a member of the Shura council, dies.
    • November 2015:Meeting of the Tablighi Jamaat in Raiwand.
    • Haji Abdul Wahab adds 11 new members to the shura, making a total of 13, and Maulana Saad Kandhalvi is named as one of the two most senior.
    • Maulana Saad Kandhalvi refuses to sign the document with the 13 members.
    • June 2016: Maulana Saad Kandhalvi declares himself the Amir of the Tablighi Jamaat, sparking a split within the organization. He expelled members of the other side from the Nizamuddin mosque in Delhi.
    • December 1, 2018: A clash occurs between the two factions of the Tablighi Jamaat in Bangladesh.
    • November 18, 2018: Haji Abdul Wahab dies.
    • December 18, 2024: Violent clashes in Bangladesh between the two Tablighi Jamaat groups result in 5 deaths and over 100 injuries. This event causes the speaker of the text to discuss the history of Tablighi Jamaat in public.
    • December 29, 2024: The speaker gives public session number 179, discussing these events.

    Cast of Characters

    • Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi: Founder of the Tablighi Jamaat in 1926. He focused on educating Muslims and his work spread quickly. He died in 1944.
    • Maulana Yusuf Kandhalvi: Son of Ilyas Kandhalvi; the second Amir of Tablighi Jamaat. Served for 21 years, wrote Hayat al-Sahaba. Died at the age of 48 in 1965.
    • Maulana Haroon Kandhalvi: Son of Yusuf Kandhalvi, not chosen as the next Amir of Tablighi Jamaat after his father’s death.
    • Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi: Nephew of Ilyas Kandhalvi and cousin of Yusuf Kandhalvi. Chose his son-in-law as Amir instead of Yusuf’s son. Wrote Virtues of Actions, Virtues of Hajj, Virtues of Durood and Virtues of Charity.
    • Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi: Son-in-law of Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi; the third Amir of Tablighi Jamaat, serving for 30 years (1965-1995). Established the ten-member council.
    • Maulana Saad Kandhalvi: A descendant of Ilyas Kandhalvi who declared himself the Amir in 2016, leading to the current split within the Tablighi Jamaat. He leads the faction based at the Nizamuddin center in India and has banned some Tablighi books.
    • Haji Abdul Wahab: A senior member of the Tablighi Jamaat Shura (council) and teacher. He was with Ilyas Kandhalvi in 1926. Attempted to make peace between the groups in 2016 before passing away in 2018.
    • Maulana Zubair Al Hasan: Member of the ten-member Shura, who died in March 2014.
    • Rashid Ahmed Gangui, Ashraf Ali Thanvi, and Ismail Ambeti: Deobandi scholars who were targets of the Fatwas of infidelity from the Barelvis in 1905.
    • Khalil Ahmad Saharanpuri: Deobandi scholar who wrote Al-Muhand Ali Al-Mufand in response to accusations of infidelity from the Barelvis in 1905.
    • Imam Nabawi: Author of Riyad al-Saliheen, a widely read hadith book.
    • Maulana Tariq Jameel: A contemporary religious scholar who has criticized some of the traditional stories found in Tablighi books.
    • Imam Ahmed Barelvi: Founder of the Barelvi sect.
    • Ibn Abidin al-Shami: A scholar from 1252 A.H. who gave a blasphemous fatwa about Surah Al-Fatiha. Deobandi scholars cite him with respect.
    • Imam Abu Hanifa: Founder of the Hanafi school of law, whose opinions are followed by both Deobandis and Barelvis.
    • Sheikh Ahmad Sarandi (Mujaddid al-Thani): Declared himself a Mujaddid and claimed that if a prophet was to come to the Ummah, he would follow Hanafi law.
    • Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani: A respected Sufi figure. Author of Ghaniya Talibeen.
    • Imam al-Ghazali: A respected Sufi figure who lived from 505 – 506 Hijri.
    • Maulana Ilyas Qadri: Leader of the Dawat-e-Islami movement.
    • Maulana Ilyas: Leader of a small Tablighi Jamaat of Ahl al-Hadith.
    • Engineer (Speaker of the text): The speaker of the text who describes the history of the Tablighi Jamaat and Islamic sectarianism. He considers all the sects to be Muslim.
    • Qazi Shur: A judge of Kufa who wrote a letter to Hazrat Umar about issues of Ijtihad.
    • Imam Ibn Al-Mazar: Author of Kitab al-Ijma, a book on the consensus of Islamic scholars.
    • Zayd Ibn Arqam: Narrator of the hadith of Ghadeer Khum.
    • Hazrat Umar: Companion of the Prophet, second Caliph.
    • Hazrat Abu Bakr: Companion of the Prophet, first Caliph.
    • Mufti Amjad Ali: Author of Bhar Shariat.
    • Syed Farman Ali Shah: Whose translation is used for the Deobandis.
    • Gulam Ahmad Qadiani: The person who formed the Qadiani movement.

    This detailed breakdown should provide a solid understanding of the key events and figures discussed in the text. Let me know if you have any other questions!

    The Tablighi Jamaat Schism

    The Tablighi Jamaat, a Deobandi sect, has experienced a significant split in recent years, leading to internal conflict and division [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects of this schism based on the provided sources:

    Origins and Early Growth:

    • The Tablighi Jamaat was started by Ilyas Kandhalvi, with the goal of teaching basic Islamic practices [1, 3].
    • It became a large organization with centers established in 170 countries [3].
    • The Jamaat is known for its commitment to preaching and personal sacrifice, with members often using their own money to travel and spread their message [3].
    • They focus on teaching basic practices like ablution and prayer, and their work is considered effective [3].

    The Split:

    • Internal Division: Over the last nine years, the Tablighi Jamaat has been divided into two groups: one focused on the building system and the other on the Shura (council) [1].
    • Public Disagreement: This division became very public in December 2024 during the annual gathering in Tongi, Bangladesh, when clashes between the two factions resulted in casualties [1, 4].
    • Accusations: The two groups have engaged in mutual accusations. The Shura group, based in Raiwind (Pakistan), has accused Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s group of being Indian agents [4]. Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s group is referred to as “Saadiani” by the other group, which is a derogatory term that sounds similar to “Qadiani,” a group considered heretical by many Muslims [2].
    • Centers of Division: The split is evident in different centers globally. The main centers are in Tongi (Bangladesh), Raiwind (Pakistan), and Nizamuddin (India), with the Nizamuddin center being associated with Maulana Saad Kandhalvi [1, 4].
    • Leadership Dispute: The conflict is rooted in a disagreement over leadership succession following the death of Maulana Inamul Hasan in 1995. A ten-member council was supposed to choose a new leader, but this did not happen [5, 6]. In 2016, Maulana Saad Kandhalvi declared himself the Amir (leader), which was not accepted by the Shura [6].

    Key Figures and Their Roles:

    • Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi: Founder of Tablighi Jamaat [1, 7]. He passed away in 1944 [7].
    • Yusuf Kandhalvi: Son of Ilyas Kandhalvi, who served as Amir for 21 years and died in 1965 [8].
    • Maulana Haroon Kandhalvi: Son of Yusuf Kandhalvi, who was not chosen as the next Amir [5, 8].
    • Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi: A nephew of Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi and cousin of Yusuf Kandhalvi. He chose his son-in-law, Maulana Inamul Hasan, as Amir instead of Maulana Haroon Kandhalvi [5]. He wrote the book Virtues of Deeds, which is now not read by the group led by Maulana Saad Kandhalvi [3, 9].
    • Maulana Inamul Hasan: Son-in-law of Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi, who served as Amir for 30 years (1965-1995) [5].
    • Maulana Saad Kandhalvi: A descendant of Ilyas Kandhalvi and the leader of one of the two factions. He is in charge of the Nizamuddin center in India [10].
    • Haji Abdul Wahab: A senior member of the Shura who opposed Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s claim to leadership [6, 10]. He died in 2018 [10].

    Impact of the Split:

    • Clashes and Casualties: The dispute has resulted in physical clashes and casualties [4, 11].
    • Division of Followers: The majority of the Tablighi Jamaat is with the Shura group centered in Raiwind [10]. The common members of the Tablighi Jamaat are not fully aware of the split [12].
    • Accusations of Sectarianism: The conflict is seen as part of a broader issue of sectarianism within Islam [11].

    Underlying Issues:

    • Sectarian Tensions: The split is partly due to long-standing tensions between Deobandi and Barelvi sects. The speaker mentions that he hated the Tablighi Jamaat when he was younger because they belonged to the Deobandi sect [2].
    • Controversial Books: The group led by Maulana Saad Kandhalvi no longer uses books like Virtues of Deeds, which is considered controversial [3, 9].
    • Leadership Disputes: A major issue is the lack of clear succession process within the Tablighi Jamaat [5].

    In conclusion, the Tablighi Jamaat’s split is a complex issue involving leadership disputes, sectarian tensions, and disagreements over practices. The division has led to physical conflict and has caused concern among Muslims [3, 4].

    Sectarianism in Islam

    Sectarianism within Islam is a significant issue, characterized by divisions and conflicts among different groups [1, 2]. The sources highlight several aspects of this problem, including its historical roots, its impact on Muslim communities, and the different perspectives on it [3-5].

    Historical Roots of Sectarianism

    • Early Divisions: The sources suggest that the seeds of sectarianism were sown early in Islamic history [6].
    • After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, political disagreements led to the emergence of the Sunni and Shia sects [6].
    • The rise of different schools of thought (madhhabs) also contributed to the divisions, although they initially did not cause as much conflict [3].
    • Deobandi and Barelvi: A major split occurred with the emergence of the Deobandi and Barelvi sects in the Indian subcontinent. These two groups, both Sunni and Hanafi, developed from differing views on Sufi thought and Ahl al-Hadith teachings [3, 4].
    • The establishment of the Deoband Madrasa and the Barelvi Madrasa further solidified this division [3].
    • These groups have a long history of disagreement and conflict, with each not accepting the other as true Muslims [3].

    Manifestations of Sectarianism

    • Mutual Condemnation: The different sects often accuse each other of being misguided or even outside the fold of Islam [3, 7].
    • The Barelvi’s issued fatwas of infidelity against Deobandi scholars [4].
    • The Deobandis and Barelvis are not ready to accept the other as Muslim [3].
    • Accusations and derogatory terms are used against each other, such as “Saadiani” to describe followers of Maulana Saad Kandhalvi, which is a word that is meant to sound like “Qadiani,” a group considered heretical [3, 8].
    • Physical Conflict: Sectarian tensions have sometimes resulted in physical violence, as seen in the clashes within the Tablighi Jamaat [2, 8].
    • Members of one group of Tablighi Jamaat attacked members of another group, resulting in deaths and injuries [8].
    • Mosques are sometimes declared as “Masjid Darar,” (a mosque of the hypocrites) by opposing groups [9].
    • Intolerance: The sources suggest that sectarianism leads to intolerance and a lack of respect for different views within the Muslim community [7, 10].
    • Sectarian groups are more focused on defending their own positions and attacking others [7].
    • This is demonstrated by the practice of some groups of throwing away prayer rugs of other groups in mosques [2, 9].

    Different Perspectives on Sectarianism

    • Sectarian Identity: Each sect often views itself as the sole possessor of truth, with the other groups being misguided [7].
    • Ahl al-Hadith consider themselves to be on the path of tawheed (oneness of God) [7].
    • Barelvis see themselves as the “contractors of Ishq Rasool” (love of the Prophet) [7].
    • Deobandis claim to defend the Companions of the Prophet, although they will not discuss aspects of their history that do not support their point of view [7].
    • The Quran’s View: The sources emphasize that the Quran condemns sectarianism and division [5].
    • The Quran urges Muslims to hold fast to the “rope of Allah” and not to divide into sects [5].
    • The Quran states that those who create sects have nothing to do with the Messenger of Allah [5].
    • Critique of Sectarianism: The speaker in the sources critiques sectarianism, arguing that it is a curse and that all sects should be considered as Muslims [2].
    • He suggests that unity should be based on scholarly discussion, rather than on forming exclusive groups [10].
    • He also believes that groups often focus on their own particularities, while ignoring the foundational values of Islam. [7]
    • The speaker says that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; it is the fault of the followers of the Imams [6].

    The Role of the Quran and Sunnah

    • The Straight Path: The sources highlight the importance of following the Quran and the Sunnah (Prophet’s practices) as the “straight path” [11, 12].
    • This path is contrasted with the “crooked lines” of sectarianism and division [11].
    • The sources argue that the Quran and the Sunnah are the core sources of guidance [13, 14].
    • Interpretation: Differences often arise from the interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah, which are used to justify sectarian differences. [15]
    • Each sect has its own translation of the Quran, leading to varying understandings [16].
    • Some groups emphasize adherence to specific interpretations of religious texts and actions, often based on the teachings of their own scholars, rather than focusing on the core teachings of Islam [15].

    Conclusion Sectarianism in Islam is a complex and multifaceted issue with historical, theological, and social dimensions [5]. The sources highlight that sectarianism leads to division, conflict, and intolerance within the Muslim community [1, 2, 7]. They call for a return to the core principles of Islam, as found in the Quran and Sunnah, and for mutual respect and tolerance among all Muslims [5, 10, 11]. The sources emphasize that the Quran condemns sectarianism and that the true path is one of unity based on shared faith and not sectarian identity [5, 11, 12].

    Islamic Jurisprudence: Sources, Schools, and Sectarianism

    Islamic jurisprudence, or fiqh, is a complex system of legal and ethical principles derived from the Quran and the Sunnah (the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). The sources discuss several key aspects of Islamic jurisprudence, particularly how it relates to different interpretations and practices within Islam.

    Core Sources of Islamic Jurisprudence:

    • The Quran is considered the primary source of guidance and law [1, 2].
    • It is regarded as the direct word of God and is the ultimate authority in Islam.
    • Muslims are urged to hold fast to the Quran as a source of unity and guidance [3].
    • The Sunnah, which encompasses the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, is the second most important source [2, 4, 5].
    • The Sunnah provides practical examples of how to implement the teachings of the Quran [2].
    • It is transmitted through hadiths, which are reports of the Prophet’s words and actions [2, 4].
    • Ijma (consensus of the Muslim scholars) is another source of Islamic jurisprudence [6].
    • It represents the collective understanding of Islamic law by qualified scholars.
    • The sources mention that the ummah will never agree on misguidance [6].
    • Ijtihad (independent legal reasoning) is the process by which qualified scholars derive new laws based on the Quran and the Sunnah when there is no clear guidance in the primary sources [6].
    • Ijtihad allows for the application of Islamic principles to new situations and circumstances [6].
    • The sources point out that the door of ijtihad is open until the Day of Resurrection [1].

    Schools of Thought (Madhhabs):

    • The sources mention different schools of thought, or madhhabs, within Sunni Islam, including the Hanafi, Shafi’i, Maliki and Hanbali schools [7, 8].
    • These schools developed as scholars interpreted and applied the Quran and Sunnah differently.
    • The speaker indicates that these different Imams did not spread sectarianism, but their followers did [8, 9].
    • The Hanafi school is particularly mentioned, as it is the school of jurisprudence followed by Deobandis, Barelvis, and even Qadianis [7, 10].
    • The sources note that there is no mention in the Quran or Sunnah that Muslims must follow one of these particular schools of thought [8, 11].
    • It is said that the four imams had their own expert opinions [8].
    • The Imams themselves said that if they say anything that is against the Quran and Sunnah, then their words should be left [9].

    Points of Jurisprudential Disagreement:

    • The sources discuss disagreements over specific practices, like Rafa al-Yadain (raising the hands during prayer), which is practiced by those who follow the hadiths from Bukhari and Muslim, but not by Hanafis [12].
    • The speaker in the source says that he follows the method of prayer from Bukhari and Muslim [10].
    • Hanafis, in contrast, do not perform Rafa al-Yadain [10, 12].
    • The sources indicate that different groups within Islam have varying interpretations of what constitutes proper Islamic practice [12].
    • For instance, some groups emphasize the importance of specific rituals, while others focus on different aspects of faith [13].
    • The source suggests that sectarianism arises because each sect has its own interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah [5].
    • Differences in jurisprudence are often related to different understandings of what is considered Sunnah [12].
    • The speaker points out that there are different types of Sunnah [12].
    • The practice of kissing the thumbs is also a point of difference. The Barelvis kiss their thumbs, while the Deobandis do not. The source explains that this is a point of disagreement even within Hanafi jurisprudence [14].
    • The speaker also says that both are incorrect in light of the Quran and Sunnah [14].

    Ijtihad and Modern Issues

    • The source states that the door of Ijtihad remains open until the Day of Judgment and that it is a beauty of Islam that allows people in different locations to address issues that are not directly covered in the Quran and Sunnah [1].
    • Ijtihad is considered necessary to address contemporary issues that did not exist at the time of the Prophet, such as those related to technology or modern life [1, 6].
    • Examples include issues of blood donation, praying in airplanes, and other contemporary matters [6].
    • The need for ijtihad allows the religion to remain relevant across time and cultures.
    • The sources mention that the scope of Ijtihad is limited to issues on which there is no consensus, and it does not contradict the Quran or Sunnah [1, 6].
    • The source says that Ijtihad should be performed by a wise person who is familiar with the proper process [6].

    Emphasis on the Quran and Sunnah

    • The sources consistently emphasize the importance of the Quran and Sunnah as the primary sources for guidance [1, 2, 5].
    • It states that all actions must be in accordance with the Quran and Sunnah [1].
    • The Prophet emphasized the importance of holding fast to the Quran and Sunnah [2].
    • The source indicates that the Quran and Sunnah should be considered the main source of information about religion [11].
    • The speaker indicates that the Sunnah is essential for understanding and practicing Islam. The method of prayer is not described in the Quran, but comes from the Sunnah [2].

    The Problem of Sectarianism and Jurisprudence

    • The source also suggests that sectarianism is a result of differences in jurisprudential interpretations and an over-emphasis on the opinions of specific scholars and imams [9, 13].
    • The speaker emphasizes that sectarianism is a curse and that Muslims should avoid it [3, 7].
    • He stresses the importance of focusing on the core values of the Quran and Sunnah.
    • He also suggests that each group should engage in intellectual discussion and not condemn others [3, 13].
    • He states that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; the fault is with their followers [8, 9].

    In summary, Islamic jurisprudence is a rich and complex system based on the Quran and the Sunnah, which is interpreted and applied through Ijma and Ijtihad. The sources show how this process has led to different schools of thought and varying interpretations of Islamic law and practice. While there is space for scholarly disagreement and the need to address contemporary issues, the sources also emphasize the need to avoid sectarianism and adhere to the core principles of the Quran and Sunnah.

    Quranic Interpretation and Sectarianism

    Quranic interpretation, or tafsir, is a crucial aspect of Islamic scholarship, involving the explanation and understanding of the Quran’s verses [1]. The sources discuss how different approaches to Quranic interpretation have contributed to sectarianism and varying understandings of Islam.

    Importance of the Quran:

    • The Quran is considered the direct word of God and the primary source of guidance in Islam [2, 3].
    • The sources emphasize the Quran as a source of unity, urging Muslims to hold fast to it [4].
    • It is considered a complete guide for humanity [5].
    • The Quran is the ultimate authority, and the Sunnah explains how to implement the Quranic teachings [3].

    Challenges in Quranic Interpretation:

    • The sources point out that differences in interpretation of the Quran are a major source of sectarianism [1, 5].
    • Each sect often has its own translation of the Quran, leading to varying understandings and disputes [1].
    • Some groups emphasize the literal reading of the Quran and Sunnah, while others focus on more metaphorical or contextual interpretations [1, 6, 7].
    • The Quran was meant to end differences between people, not create them. [1].

    The Role of the Sunnah:

    • The Sunnah, which encompasses the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, is essential for understanding and practicing Islam [3].
    • The method of prayer, for example, is not fully described in the Quran, but comes from the Sunnah [3].
    • The sources emphasize that the Sunnah is a necessary complement to the Quran, clarifying and elaborating on its teachings [3].
    • Both the Quran and the Sunnah should be followed as sources of guidance [3].

    The Problem of Sectarian Interpretations

    • The sources criticize the tendency of some groups to prioritize their own interpretations and traditions over the core message of the Quran [8].
    • Sectarian groups often consider their own interpretations as the only correct ones.
    • The speaker in the source notes that many Muslims read the Quran in Arabic without understanding its meaning, leading to misinterpretations and manipulations by religious leaders [1, 5].
    • Some groups emphasize the teachings of their own scholars and imams, while ignoring the core teachings of Islam from the Quran and Sunnah [8-10].
    • The source suggests that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; it is the fault of their followers [2, 11].
    • Sectarian interpretations of the Quran are seen as a deviation from the intended purpose of the scripture. [9]
    • Some groups reject valid hadith and only accept the teachings of their own imams, even when the imams’ teachings are not based on the Quran and Sunnah [12].

    The Correct Approach to Interpretation

    • The speaker emphasizes the importance of directly engaging with the Quran and Sunnah rather than relying on interpretations of religious clerics or scholars [10].
    • The sources suggest that the Quran is meant to be understood, not just recited without comprehension [1, 5].
    • There is a call for a return to the core principles of the Quran and Sunnah, without sectarian biases [3].
    • The sources suggest that scholarly discussion and intellectual engagement, rather than dogmatic adherence to specific interpretations, are necessary for proper understanding [9].
    • The sources refer to a hadith that calls for the community to refer to the Quran and Sunnah when there is a dispute [3, 13].
    • The speaker believes that the Quran is meant to unite people, not divide them [1].

    Historical Context and the Quran

    • The sources also suggest that the Quran must be understood in its historical context.
    • The speaker explains that the Quran was meant to be a guide for all people and that Muslims should not be like those who recite it without understanding [1].

    Ijtihad and Interpretation

    • The sources also touch on the role of ijtihad, or independent reasoning, in interpreting the Quran.
    • Ijtihad is used to interpret Islamic law when there is no direct guidance in the Quran or Sunnah [14].
    • The door of ijtihad is open until the Day of Judgment to address contemporary issues that did not exist at the time of the Prophet [15].
    • Ijtihad should be performed by a qualified scholar and should not contradict the Quran or Sunnah [14].

    In summary, Quranic interpretation is a critical aspect of Islamic practice, but it is also a source of sectarianism due to differences in how the text is understood. The sources call for a return to the Quran and Sunnah, and for direct engagement with the scripture, as well as an understanding of its original historical context. The sources emphasize the importance of using both the Quran and the Sunnah as guides and stress that the Quran is meant to be understood and not simply recited, while discouraging reliance on specific interpretations of religious clerics and scholars, in order to avoid sectarianism.

    Islamic Unity: Challenges and Pathways

    Religious unity is a significant theme in the sources, particularly in the context of Islam, where sectarianism and division are identified as major challenges. The sources emphasize the importance of the Quran and Sunnah as unifying forces, while also discussing the obstacles to achieving true unity among Muslims.

    Core Principles for Unity

    • The Quran is presented as the primary source of unity [1]. It is considered the direct word of God and the ultimate authority in Islam [2, 3].
    • Muslims are urged to hold fast to the Quran as a source of guidance and unity [1].
    • The Quran is meant to end differences between people, not create them [4].
    • The Sunnah, the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, is also crucial for unity [3].
    • The Sunnah is a necessary complement to the Quran, clarifying and elaborating on its teachings [3].
    • Both the Quran and the Sunnah should be followed as sources of guidance [3].
    • The concept of Ijma (consensus of Muslim scholars) is also mentioned as a source of unity, representing the collective understanding of Islamic law [5].
    • The sources state that the ummah will never agree on misguidance [5].
    • The sources emphasize that all Muslims are brothers and sisters and that they should respect each other [1, 6].

    Obstacles to Unity

    • Sectarianism is identified as a major obstacle to religious unity [1].
    • The sources note that sectarianism arises from differences in interpretations of the Quran and Sunnah, as well as from the overemphasis on the opinions of specific scholars [1, 7].
    • Each sect often has its own translation of the Quran, leading to varying understandings and disputes [4].
    • The sources criticize the tendency of some groups to prioritize their own interpretations and traditions over the core message of the Quran [8].
    • The speaker emphasizes that sectarianism is a curse and that Muslims should avoid it [1, 6].
    • The sources suggest that many Muslims read the Quran in Arabic without understanding its meaning, leading to misinterpretations and manipulations by religious leaders [4, 9].
    • Blind adherence to the opinions of religious clerics and scholars is also seen as a cause of disunity [4, 10].
    • The source suggests that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; it is the fault of their followers [1, 7, 11-13].
    • Internal conflicts and disputes within religious groups further exacerbate the problem [14].
    • The sources describe how disagreements within the Tablighi Jamaat led to its division into two factions, resulting in violence and animosity [2, 6, 12, 14, 15].
    • The sources also mention historical events, such as the conflict between the Deobandis and Barelvis and the Sunni and Shia split, as examples of how political and theological disagreements can lead to division [11, 16, 17].

    Pathways to Unity

    • The sources stress the importance of focusing on the core values of the Quran and Sunnah, rather than getting caught up in sectarian differences [1, 3, 5, 18].
    • Muslims should engage directly with the Quran and Sunnah, rather than relying on interpretations of religious clerics or scholars [4, 10].
    • Intellectual discussion and engagement, rather than condemnation of others, are necessary for proper understanding [8, 12].
    • The source suggests that each group should engage in intellectual discussion and not condemn others [12].
    • The sources emphasize the importance of tolerance and mutual respect among different groups [8, 11, 14].
    • Muslims should avoid labeling others as “hell-bound” [8].
    • The sources suggest that a recognition of the diversity of interpretations is necessary [8, 12].
    • The source states that the ummah cannot come together on one platform and that it should give space to everyone [12].
    • The sources point to the need for Ijtihad to address contemporary issues, which may contribute to a sense of shared understanding and engagement with faith in modern contexts [5, 19].
    • The source notes that the door of ijtihad is open until the Day of Judgment and that it is a beauty of Islam that allows people in different locations to address issues that are not directly covered in the Quran and Sunnah [5, 19].

    Emphasis on Shared Humanity

    • The sources highlight the importance of recognizing the shared humanity of all people and avoiding sectarianism and prejudice.
    • The source states that there is no prophet after the Prophet Muhammad and that Muslims should focus on the Quran and Sunnah [12].
    • The speaker emphasizes that despite differences in interpretation, all sects of Islam are considered Muslim [8].
    • The goal should be to foster unity based on the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah, while respecting the diversity of perspectives [12].

    In conclusion, the sources present a complex view of religious unity, acknowledging both the unifying potential of the Quran and Sunnah, and the divisive forces of sectarianism and misinterpretations. The path to unity, according to the sources, lies in a return to the core principles of Islam, fostering intellectual engagement, and promoting tolerance and mutual respect, while avoiding sectarianism and prejudice.

    By Amjad Izhar
    Contact: amjad.izhar@gmail.com
    https://amjadizhar.blog

  • Para Chinar Crisis: Sectarian Violence and the Path to Peace – Study Notes

    Para Chinar Crisis: Sectarian Violence and the Path to Peace – Study Notes

    The text describes a severe crisis in Para Chinar, a border region, where a road closure following a massacre has cut off essential supplies, causing suffering and death. The situation is rooted in long-standing sectarian tensions between Shias and Sunnis, exacerbated by historical grievances and political manipulation dating back to the Zia-ul-Haq regime. A key figure is Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani, whose legacy and organization continue to play a role in mediating conflict. The author advocates for peace through dialogue and cooperation between Shia and Sunni leaders, criticizing a pattern of government-sponsored repression of the Shia community. Ultimately, the text calls for a peaceful resolution to prevent further bloodshed and suffering in Para Chinar.

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    Para Chinar Conflict: A Study Guide

    Quiz

    Instructions: Answer each question in 2-3 sentences.

    1. What triggered the recent violence in Para Chinar, and what was the immediate result of the event?
    2. What is the significance of the road closures affecting Para Chinar, and why are they particularly detrimental?
    3. How did General Zia-ul-Haq contribute to the sectarian tensions in Pakistan?
    4. How did General Zia-ul-Haq’s policies impact the Deobandi sect, and what were the consequences of this policy?
    5. What was the initial reaction to the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi by the Shia population in Pakistan?
    6. Describe the role of Mufti Jafar Hussain in the Shia resistance movement against Fiqh Hanafi.
    7. What was the outcome of the Shia sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad during General Zia-ul-Haq’s rule?
    8. What was the Pakistani government’s response to the Shia protest against the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi?
    9. According to the source, how are current government policies in Para Chinar reminiscent of the policies enacted by Zia-ul-Haq?
    10. What specific solutions does the speaker propose to resolve the ongoing conflict in Para Chinar?

    Quiz Answer Key

    1. A rumor spread that Shias were killed near a tomb, which was proven false. This rumor led to the brutal murder of Ahle Sunnat individuals in a caravan, who were innocent civilians.
    2. The road closures are a blockade preventing essential goods like food and medicine from reaching Para Chinar. This is detrimental because it is causing a humanitarian crisis and resulting in unnecessary deaths.
    3. General Zia-ul-Haq created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba and MQM, which he used to suppress political opposition and sow divisions between religious sects in Pakistan.
    4. Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect because they were prominent in the Afghan Jihad. As a result, they gained control of many mosques previously belonging to the Barelvi and Shia sects.
    5. The Shia population strongly opposed the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi, leading to a national movement for Shia rights. The movement aimed at defending their religious rights and identity.
    6. Mufti Jafar Hussain became the leader (Qaid) of the Shia community and successfully led a resistance movement. He played an important role in organizing the Shia community against Zia-ul-Haq’s policies.
    7. The Shia sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad, which lasted three days, resulted in the government accepting their demands and avoiding the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi.
    8. The government responded to the Shia protests by attempting to curtail the influence of the Shia and marginalize them by the creation of Sipah Sahaba. This group was given resources and power to control the Shia population.
    9. Government policies in Para Chinar, such as closing off roads and targeting specific individuals, are seen as a repetition of Zia-ul-Haq’s strategy of punishing the Shia community for demanding their rights.
    10. The speaker proposes that the government engage the Shia leadership in Para Chinar, especially Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi, to foster dialogue, and to create a mechanism where each sect punishes their own criminals.

    Essay Questions

    1. Analyze the impact of General Zia-ul-Haq’s policies on the religious landscape of Pakistan, particularly in relation to the Shia and Sunni communities. How did his actions lead to the sectarian tensions described in the source?
    2. Compare and contrast the leadership styles of Mufti Jafar Hussain and Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi. How do their approaches reflect the different challenges faced by the Shia community during their respective eras?
    3. Discuss the effectiveness of the strategies employed by the Shia community in Pakistan to advocate for their rights. How did their protests and sit-ins affect government policies, and what long-term consequences resulted?
    4. Evaluate the speaker’s proposed solutions for the Para Chinar conflict. Are these recommendations practical and likely to succeed? What alternative approaches might be more effective?
    5. Explore the role of social media and rumor-spreading in exacerbating sectarian tensions in Para Chinar. How do these phenomena contribute to violence, and what steps can be taken to mitigate their negative impacts?

    Glossary

    • Ahle Sunnat: A term referring to the Sunni branch of Islam.
    • Shia: A major branch of Islam, distinct from Sunni Islam.
    • Para Chinar: A town located near the border of Afghanistan that has been the site of sectarian violence.
    • Deobandi: A Sunni Islamic revivalist movement.
    • Barelvi: A Sunni Islamic movement, often seen as more traditional.
    • Sipah Sahaba: A militant organization formed in Pakistan that is associated with sectarian violence.
    • MQM: A political party in Pakistan, often associated with urban areas and conflicts.
    • Fiqh Hanafi: A Sunni Islamic school of jurisprudence or law.
    • Fiqh Ja’faria: The school of Islamic law followed by Shia Muslims.
    • Zakat: A compulsory form of charity in Islam.
    • Muharram: The first month of the Islamic calendar.
    • Rabiul Awwal: The third month of the Islamic calendar
    • Nizam Mustafa: A slogan promoting the implementation of Islamic law in Pakistan.
    • Markaz: A center or focal point, often used in a religious or organizational context.
    • Anjuman Hussainia: A Shia organization or council.
    • Allama: An honorific title given to a scholar
    • Jirga: A traditional tribal council or gathering in South Asia.
    • Zakir: A person who recites stories and narrations, often during Shia religious gatherings.
    • Khutba: A sermon given in mosques during Friday prayers
    • Tasu: A term referring to religious bias or prejudice.
    • Tehreek: A movement or campaign, often for political or social change.
    • Talib: A student of religious knowledge, especially in a Madrasa
    • Madrasa: A school or college of Islamic teaching
    • Chehlam: A Shia religious observance held forty days after the death of a family member.
    • Mutalba: A demand or request.

    Para Chinar Conflict: History, Tensions, and Potential Solutions

    Okay, here is a briefing document summarizing the key themes and information from the provided text:

    Briefing Document: Para Chinar Conflict and Historical Context

    Date: October 26, 2023

    Subject: Analysis of the ongoing conflict in Para Chinar, Pakistan, with historical context and potential solutions.

    Sources: Excerpts from “Pasted Text” (Provided by the user)

    Executive Summary:

    This document analyzes a detailed account of the recent conflict in Para Chinar, Pakistan, highlighting its immediate causes, underlying sectarian tensions, historical roots, and potential pathways toward resolution. The text emphasizes a recent incident that triggered a blockade, the complex historical relationship between Shia and Sunni communities in the region, and the role of state policies in exacerbating these conflicts. The document also underscores the potential for peace through engagement with local leadership.

    Key Themes and Issues:

    1. Recent Incident & Blockade:
    • The immediate cause of the current crisis is the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat (Sunni) individuals in a convoy, falsely rumored to be a retaliation for alleged Shia deaths. This rumor was false, as no Shias were killed.
    • In response, a road connecting Para Chinar to other cities is blocked by the Ahle Sunnat community which has severe consequences.
    • The road closure prevents the transport of essential supplies such as food and medicine into Para Chinar, leading to deaths of sick and injured.
    • Quote: “…in response to this they have closed the road and in my opinion this is worse than a war because every essential thing of Para Chinar is available on a daily basis.”
    1. Sectarian Tensions and Historical Context:
    • The conflict is situated within the broader context of sectarian tensions between Shia and Sunni Muslims in Pakistan, exacerbated by the policies of past regimes.
    • The text attributes the rise of sectarian militant groups like Sipah Sahaba to the policies of General Zia-ul-Haq.
    • Zia’s regime is described as having promoted the Deobandi sect and creating groups to counter Shia influence.
    • Quote: “Jalal Haq created all the terror groups. Sepoy Sahaba is formed on the orders of Jal Haq.”
    • The speaker references historical episodes where mosques built by Shias and Barelvis were taken over by Deobandi groups, further intensifying the tensions.
    • It is mentioned that Zia-ul-Haq used sectarian divisions to undermine political opposition.
    1. The Role of State Policy:
    • The text suggests a long-standing state policy of “repairing” the Shia community whenever they assert their rights or gain power.
    • This ‘repair’ policy includes targeting leadership and fundamental social and religious leaders with false accusations, imprisonment, and other methods of oppression.
    • The state’s actions are criticized as discriminatory and unjust, with accusations that the government punishes the entire Shia community for the actions of individuals.
    • Quote: “hence From that time onwards, Jaya ul Haq started the treatment and repair of the Shias and from there a formula came to our state administration that whenever the Shias raise their heads and express their existence, the religious community should be brought into the picture for their repair”
    • The closure of the roads is seen as an extension of this policy, effectively “killing” the Shia community with hunger and lack of access to medical care.
    • The speaker emphasizes that the government should treat all citizens equally, regardless of sect.
    1. The Shia Movement and Leadership:
    • The text portrays the Shia community as having become politically active in the 1970s. The establishment of Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria (Movement for the Implementation of Ja’fari Jurisprudence) was a reaction to Hanafi Jurisprudence being imposed.
    • Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain is described as a pivotal leader during this period.
    • The Shia community engaged in civil disobedience, refusing to pay Zakat to state institutions.
    • While the speaker concedes the Shia community was not revolutionary at the time, the Iranian Revolution served as a catalyst and inspiration.
    • Quote: “The Shia population was not as much as it is today. It was small but that small population was very enthusiastic. There were slogans of Tehreek in every street and alley. The Munam was one, Zakir and Maulana were one. The poet and the khatib were one.”
    1. Potential for Peace and Resolution:
    • The text stresses the importance of engaging with the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi.
    • This leader is described as peace-loving, moderate, and committed to cooperation with the Sunni community.
    • Quote: “…I believe that the state and Ahle Sunnat should also be close to them, should gain their trust, you will not find a more virtuous leadership and a more virtuous centre than them…”
    • The speaker advocates for a unified approach where both Shia and Sunni communities identify and hand over perpetrators of crimes from their own sects.
    • There are proposals for joint Shia-Sunni peace initiatives to counter those who are spreading sectarian hatred online and through social media.
    • The Shia leadership has condemned the recent incident and called for the perpetrators to be punished.

    Recommendations:

    • Immediate Action: The government must immediately address the blockade of Para Chinar and ensure the delivery of essential supplies.
    • Dialogue: The government and Ahle Sunnat community should initiate sincere and open dialogue with the existing Shia leadership in Para Chinar.
    • Justice System: The legal system should ensure accountability for the recent incident, without resorting to collective punishment.
    • Community Policing: Create a system where communities are responsible for handing over criminals within their community.
    • Address Online Hate: Collaborate on programs to counter online hate speech and sectarianism, targeting those who incite violence.
    • Long-Term Vision: The government should revise its discriminatory policies against the Shia community and implement measures to ensure equal rights and opportunities for all.

    Conclusion:

    The situation in Para Chinar is a complex culmination of historical tensions, sectarian violence, and problematic state policies. However, the text also highlights the potential for positive change through engagement with the current leadership and a commitment to equal treatment under the law. This briefing suggests an urgent need for the state to change its current policies and engage in dialogue to avoid a further escalation of violence.

    Para Chinar Conflict: Sectarian Tensions and Potential Solutions

    requently Asked Questions: Para Chinar Conflict and Sectarian Tensions

    1. What sparked the recent conflict in Para Chinar, and what is the main issue?
    2. The immediate spark was the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat individuals in a convoy, mistakenly linked to a false rumor of Shia deaths. This act, condemned by Shia leadership, led to the closure of a critical road, severely impacting the supply of essential goods like food and medicine to the Shia-dominated region of Para Chinar. The underlying issue is a history of sectarian tension and violence between Shia and Sunni communities, exploited by external actors.
    3. Why is the closure of the road to Para Chinar so critical, and how is it impacting the community?
    4. The road to Para Chinar is a vital lifeline connecting it to other cities like Pisha and Kohat. Its closure has created a severe humanitarian crisis. Essential supplies like food, medicine, and other daily needs are blocked, leading to the deaths of sick and injured individuals needing urgent medical care. The road is essential for daily commutes and trade, and its obstruction is crippling the community.
    5. How did the policies of Zia-ul-Haq contribute to the current situation in Pakistan?
    6. Zia-ul-Haq’s regime fostered sectarianism by promoting the Deobandi sect (due to their involvement in the Afghan Jihad) over the Barelvi and Shia communities. He also created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba which specifically targetted Shia muslims. His policies led to the capture of Barelvi and Shia mosques by Deobandi groups and he encouraged conflict between sects to maintain power. In general, his rule created an environment where sectarian differences were weaponized and intensified through state support and policy.
    7. What was the significance of the Shia movement led by Mufti Jafar Hussain during Zia-ul-Haq’s rule, and how did it differ from the Iranian Revolution?
    8. Mufti Jafar Hussain led the Shia community in a powerful movement in response to Zia’s policies, specifically opposing the implementation of Hanafi law and the forced deduction of Zakat. The movement was fueled by local circumstances in Pakistan and the zeal of the populace, but despite sympathy, it was not directly connected to the Iranian Revolution and the leadership, including Mufti Jafar, was not revolutionary. The movement did, however, show a degree of Shia resistance to oppressive state policies.
    9. What is the “formula” that the state administration seems to follow when there are Shia uprisings?
    10. According to the source, the state administration has a “formula” that dates back to the time of Zia-ul-Haq. Whenever the Shia population assert themselves, the state seeks to engage the religious community to “repair” or supress them. This often means fostering sectarian conflict or creating conditions for the oppression of the Shia community.
    11. What is the importance of the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, and why should the state engage with them?
    12. The current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi and the Markaz (central Shia organization), is considered moderate and peace-oriented. They have condemned the recent violence and are open to dialogue. Engaging with this leadership provides an opportunity for a peaceful resolution and for creating unity between Shia and Sunni communities. They are seen as crucial to restoring peace and stability to the region and are considered virtuous, kind, and willing to reach out to the Sunni community, but also vulnerable to strict state policy.
    13. What are some proposed solutions for achieving peace in Para Chinar?
    14. The source suggests a multi-pronged approach. Primarily, the state should engage with the current Shia leadership. Secondly, all local leadership, from Shia to Sunni, should form a unity front. Finally, a plan should be put in place to address criminal acts without blaming and punishing entire communities. This would involve both Shia and Sunni groups ensuring those of their own sects are punished for committing crimes. Finally, there needs to be a response to those who stir up violence on social media, even if they live outside of Pakistan.
    15. What are the dangers of viewing this as solely a sectarian conflict?
    16. Viewing the conflict solely through a sectarian lens ignores the nuances of the situation. A more holistic approach would look at external actors, and the manipulation of the conflict for political gains. By solely focusing on sect, the government risks alienating a community that is willing to engage in dialogue and perpetuates a cycle of violence and distrust.

    Sectarian Violence in Pakistan: A Historical and Contemporary Analysis

    Okay, here’s the timeline and cast of characters based on the provided text:

    Timeline of Events

    • Pre-Zia ul-Haq Era:Shia communities in Pakistan were relatively disunited and lacked strong leadership. They had small, independent mosques (Imambargahs) and were largely politically inactive.
    • Zia-ul-Haq Era (1977-1988):1978: Water rights issues emerge.
    • 1978-1979: Zia-ul-Haq imposes martial law, restricting political activity and suppressing dissent. This creates a vacuum that allows for sectarian issues to come to the forefront.
    • 1979: Shia community, previously disunited, rallies behind Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain and forms the Tehreek Nifas Fiqh Jafaria, a political movement. This is in response to the government’s move to implement Hanafi Fiqh laws. The Shia movement gains momentum and energy.
    • 1981-1982: A large Shia convention is held in Islamabad, initially for the Chehlum (40th day commemoration) of a martyr, but morphing into a major protest.
    • The Shia community in Islamabad stages a sit-in at the Secretariat, demanding exemption from Hanafi Fiqh and protesting the implementation of Zakat deductions from banks. They eventually win concessions from Zia-ul-Haq.
    • Zia-ul-Haq perceives the Shia movement as a threat, influenced by the recent Islamic Revolution in Iran (although the speaker denies a direct link). He begins to form groups to “repair” the Shia community.
    • Zia ul-Haq promotes the Deobandi sect, because they were the majority of the Mujahideen, leading to the Deobandi takeover of some Barelvi and Shia mosques.
    • Sipah-e-Sahaba, MQM, and other terrorist groups are formed on the orders of Zia-ul-Haq.
    • The state begins a policy of suppressing Shia mobilization. Religious leaders who could control the Shia community are sought.
    • Post-Zia-ul-Haq Era:The policy of targeting Shia mobilization continues. The tactic of using religious leaders to control Shia influence is used.
    • Ongoing: Sectarian tensions remain high, with Sunni groups, especially from Deobandi and Ahle Hadith sects, being promoted.
    • Recent Incident (Approx. 3 Weeks Prior to Speech): A “fanatic” incident takes place where a convoy of Ahle Sunnat people (men, women, and children) are brutally murdered on a road near Para Chinar. This was spurred by a false rumor of Shias being killed, though there was no Shia activity and no deaths on the Shia side. The speaker notes this as a crime and sectarian.
    • In response to the killings, Ahle Sunnat tribesmen close the only access road to Para Chinar, preventing essential supplies (food, medicine) from entering, leading to suffering and death.
    • The government is pursuing actions against 72 people from the Para Chinar Shia community who are not involved in the crime or sectarianism. The government is also using this as an opportunity to “repair” the Shia community.
    • Current: The speaker advocates for a peaceful resolution involving dialogue with Shia leaders, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi and other community leaders, and cooperation on local security and justice. He suggests collaboration with the local leadership on solutions, rather than punishing the community as a whole. He condemns people who incite sectarian violence online.

    Cast of Characters

    • Zia-ul-Haq: The military dictator of Pakistan from 1977 to 1988. He is portrayed as an oppressive figure who suppressed political opposition, and was responsible for the creation of numerous terrorist groups. He promoted the Deobandi sect and initiated policies to suppress Shia influence and activity, as well as the creation of terrorist groups like Sipah-e-Sahaba. He is a figure who is responsible for fanning the flames of sectarian violence.
    • Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain: A highly respected Shia religious leader who became the Qaid (leader) of the Shia community in 1979. He led the movement in response to Zia-ul-Haq’s imposition of Hanafi Fiqh. He is described as non-revolutionary, a simple and pure person, with traditional Najafi and Lucknowi religious leanings.
    • Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani Barelvi: A highly respected Barelvi leader who had significant political and religious influence. He was the head of the Milli Yak Jati Council, an interfaith group.
    • Abul Khair Zubair: A professor and doctor, he is the current head of the Milli Yak Jati Council, the successor of Shah Ahmed Noorani Barelvi.
    • Bahr Kaif: Described as playing a key role in Pakistan, and the current leader of the group founded by Shah Ahmad Noorani.
    • Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi: The current leader of the Anjuman Hussainia in Para Chinar. He is portrayed as a kind-hearted and peace-loving individual who is actively promoting unity between Shias and Sunnis. The speaker emphasizes his non-sectarian nature and his willingness to work with Sunni leaders. The speaker believes that peace can be achieved through negotiation and cooperation with Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi.
    • Unnamed “Foolish Person”: The individual who is responsible for the murder of the Ahle Sunnat convoy near Para Chinar. This individual is described as a fanatic.

    Key Themes

    • Sectarianism as a Tool of State Power: The text highlights how the state, particularly during the Zia-ul-Haq era, used sectarian divisions to control dissent and maintain power, which it continues to do.
    • The Role of Religious Leaders: The importance of both divisive and unifying religious figures is underscored. Individuals like Zia-ul-Haq and unnamed “Muftis” promoted sectarian divisions, while leaders like Mufti Jafar Hussain and Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi sought unity.
    • The Impact of State Policy: The closure of the road to Para Chinar demonstrates how the state can inflict suffering on entire populations based on sectarian or religious identity. The state’s response to sectarian violence is to punish and seek to control the Shia community.
    • The Importance of Dialogue and Unity: The speaker advocates for a unified front of Sunnis and Shia, stressing the need for dialogue and cooperation to achieve lasting peace. He highlights the leadership of Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi as a positive example.
    • The Dangers of Social Media Incitement: The text recognizes that social media can be used to spread misinformation and incite violence. The speaker believes such people should be punished.
    • The importance of local leadership: The state should work with local leaders to find solutions and prevent sectarian strife.

    Let me know if you’d like any clarification or further analysis!

    The Para Chinar Conflict

    The conflict in Para Chinar is a complex issue with a long history, involving sectarian tensions, political maneuvering, and geographical challenges [1-3]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects of the conflict:

    Sectarian Divisions and Violence:

    • The primary conflict is between the Shia and Ahle Sunnat (Sunni) communities in the Para Chinar region [1].
    • A recent incident involved the brutal murder of Ahle Sunnat people, including women and children, traveling in vehicles [1]. This was reportedly triggered by a false rumor that Shias were killed, leading to an attack on the convoy [1].
    • This incident is not an isolated event. The text indicates that wars have started often in the past and that there is a history of sectarian violence in the area [1].
    • The text describes a pattern of sectarian conflict where a dispute over land, transactions or social media rumors can ignite violence between sects [4].
    • According to the text, some elements within the Pakistani government have a policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, often by bringing religious communities into the conflict [5, 6]. This approach is seen as a dangerous policy that does not treat all citizens equally [7].

    Geographical and Logistical Factors:

    • Para Chinar is located on the border, with one road leading towards Afghanistan, where Ahle Sunnat tribesmen reside [1].
    • The other road, which connects Para Chinar with Pisha and Kohat, is also populated by Ahle Sunnat people [1]. This road is crucial for the daily supply of food, medicine, and other essential goods [1].
    • The road has been closed due to the recent violence, leading to severe shortages of food and medicine [1, 2].
    • This road closure is described as “worse than a war” because it affects the daily needs of the residents [1].
    • The closure of the road has resulted in the deaths of injured patients who could not reach medical care [2].
    • Historically, Shias used a route through Afghanistan to reach Para Chinar, but that route is now closed due to the presence of the Taliban [7].

    Historical Context and Political Manipulation:

    • During the time of Zia-ul-Haq, the Deobandi sect was promoted, and they began to take over Barelvi and Shia mosques [3].
    • The text asserts that Zia-ul-Haq created many terror groups, including Sipah Sahaba, to suppress political opposition [2].
    • Zia-ul-Haq is described as having “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool of political control [8].
    • The Shia community organized a sit-in in Islamabad to oppose the implementation of Hanafi Fiqh, and they also refused to pay Zakat that was being forcibly deducted from their accounts [8, 9].
    • The Shia community’s actions against the government were interpreted as a sign of Iranian influence, which further fueled sectarian tensions [5, 9].
    • The text claims that the state uses the strategy of targeting Shia leadership during periods of sectarian tension [6].

    Potential Solutions and the Role of Leadership:

    • The text emphasizes that the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi, is committed to peace and unity [10, 11].
    • Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi is described as a kind-hearted person who has worked to resolve conflicts between Shia and Sunni communities and is not a sectarian warrior [10].
    • There is a call for the state and the Ahle Sunnat community to engage with the current Shia leadership and gain their trust [11].
    • A solution is proposed where the local leadership could help create a system to arrest criminals of their own sect [4]. This would ensure that crime is addressed without inflaming sectarian tensions.
    • The text suggests that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should go after those spreading sectarian hatred on social media, regardless of their location [4].
    • The need for the people of Para Chinar to accept their Markaz (religious center) as a way to resolve issues and for the state to recognize the current Shia leadership as a partner for peace is also presented [4, 12].
    • The text expresses hope that peace can be established with the help of Allah [12].

    In conclusion, the Para Chinar conflict is a multifaceted issue with deep roots in sectarianism, political manipulation, and geographical factors. The text highlights the need for dialogue, trust-building, and a fair approach to justice to resolve the ongoing conflict [1-12].

    Sectarian Violence in Para Chinar

    Sectarian violence is a major issue in the Para Chinar region, with a history of conflict between the Shia and Ahle Sunnat (Sunni) communities [1]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects:

    • Ongoing Conflict: The sources indicate that sectarian violence is not new to the region, and that conflicts often arise [1]. A recent incident involved the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat people, including women and children, who were traveling in a convoy [1]. This attack was triggered by a false rumor that Shias had been killed [1].
    • Triggers for Violence: The sources explain that various factors can ignite sectarian violence, such as disputes over land, business transactions, and rumors spread on social media [2].
    • Historical Manipulation: According to the text, during the time of Zia-ul-Haq, the Deobandi sect was promoted, which led to them taking over Barelvi and Shia mosques [3]. The sources also state that Zia-ul-Haq created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba to suppress political opposition [4]. The text asserts that Zia-ul-Haq “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [5].
    • Government Influence: The text suggests that the Pakistani government has a policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, often using religious communities to initiate the conflict [6, 7]. This policy is seen as discriminatory and unjust [8]. The sources state that whenever Shias assert their existence, the government brings religious communities into the picture to suppress them [7].
    • Consequences of Violence: The closure of the main road to Para Chinar, which is a consequence of the sectarian violence, has led to shortages of food, medicine, and other essential goods [1, 4]. The road closure has also resulted in the deaths of injured patients who could not receive medical care [4].

    The sources emphasize the need for a fair approach to justice and to address the core causes of sectarian violence, instead of relying on discriminatory policies that perpetuate conflict [1, 8].

    Para Chinar Road Blockade: Sectarian Violence and its Consequences

    The road blockade in Para Chinar is a critical issue that has resulted from sectarian violence and has led to severe consequences for the local population [1]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects:

    • Cause of the Blockade: The road blockade was initiated following a violent incident in which members of the Ahle Sunnat community, including women and children, were brutally murdered [1]. This incident was reportedly triggered by a false rumor that Shias had been killed [1]. In response, the road was closed [1].
    • Significance of the Road: The blocked road is the primary route connecting Para Chinar to Pisha and Kohat, and other cities like Rawalpindi [2]. This route is essential for the daily supply of food, medicine, and other necessities for the residents of Para Chinar [1, 2]. Thousands of people use this road daily for travel [2].
    • Consequences of the Blockade:Shortages: The blockade has led to a severe shortage of food, medicine, and other essential goods in Para Chinar [1, 2].
    • Deaths: Injured patients who needed medical treatment have died due to the inability to reach hospitals [2].
    • Impact on Daily Life: The road closure has significantly disrupted the daily life of the people of Para Chinar because they depend on the road for essential supplies [1]. The text suggests that the road closure is “worse than a war” because of the hardship it imposes on the community [1].
    • Historical Context: The text suggests that this type of road closure is not new. In the past, Shias used a route through Afghanistan, but this route is also closed due to the presence of the Taliban [3]. There is an implication that the road closure is a tactic used to pressure or punish the Shia community [4].
    • Government Policy: The text asserts that there is an underlying government policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, and the road blockade is one of the tactics used to achieve that [3, 5]. This policy is viewed as discriminatory and unjust [4].
    • Alternative Routes: The text mentions that Shias previously used a route through Afghanistan to travel to and from Para Chinar, but this route is currently closed due to the presence of the Taliban on that side of the border [3, 4].
    • Call for Action: The text emphasizes that the state needs to solve this problem, as the road closure is harming innocent people, including children, women, and the elderly [4, 6]. It is suggested that the government should not treat any part of the population differently based on sect [4]. The text also calls on the government and Ahle Sunnat leadership to engage with the current Shia leadership of Para Chinar to resolve this situation [6, 7].
    • Proposed Solutions: The text proposes that a system be set up to arrest criminals of their own sect, so that if a Shia commits a crime, other Shias arrest them and vice versa [8]. The text also suggests that the Markaz (religious center) of Para Chinar should be recognized by all to help resolve issues and ensure the people follow the Markaz leadership [9].

    In conclusion, the road blockade is a severe issue that is causing significant hardship for the people of Para Chinar, and it underscores the deep sectarian tensions and political issues at play in the region.

    Para Chinar: Shia-Sunni Tensions and the Struggle for Peace

    Shia-Sunni tensions are a central issue in the Para Chinar conflict, with a long history of violence and political manipulation, according to the sources [1-3]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects of these tensions:

    • Historical Conflict: The sources indicate that the conflict between Shia and Sunni communities in Para Chinar is not new and that violence between these groups has occurred frequently [1]. A recent incident involved the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat people, including women and children, which was reportedly triggered by a false rumor that Shias were killed [1]. This event is just one instance in an ongoing pattern of sectarian violence [1].
    • Triggers for Violence: The sources explain that various factors can ignite sectarian violence, such as disputes over land, business transactions, and rumors spread on social media [1, 4]. These triggers can quickly escalate into broader sectarian conflicts, leading to violence and instability [1].
    • Political Manipulation: According to the sources, sectarian tensions have been exploited for political gain. During the time of Zia-ul-Haq, the Deobandi sect was promoted, and they began taking over Barelvi and Shia mosques [3]. Zia-ul-Haq is also accused of creating terror groups like Sipah Sahaba to suppress political opposition [2]. The sources state that Zia-ul-Haq “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [5]. This historical context underscores how sectarian divisions have been manipulated for political purposes [2, 3].
    • Government Influence: The sources suggest that the Pakistani government has a policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, often using religious communities to initiate conflict [6, 7]. This policy is viewed as discriminatory and unjust [7]. The sources claim that whenever Shias assert their existence, the government brings religious communities into the picture to suppress them [7]. The recent road blockade, which has caused severe shortages of food and medicine, is presented as one of the tactics used by the government to weaken the Shia community [1].
    • Consequences of Tensions: The sectarian tensions and violence have led to severe consequences, including the closure of the main road to Para Chinar. This blockade has resulted in shortages of food, medicine, and other essential goods, causing significant hardship for the local population [1]. The road closure has also led to the deaths of injured patients who could not reach medical care [1].
    • Current Leadership: Despite the tensions, the sources emphasize that the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar is committed to peace and unity [8]. Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi is described as a kind-hearted person who has worked to resolve conflicts between Shia and Sunni communities and is not a sectarian warrior [8]. There is a call for the state and the Ahle Sunnat community to engage with this leadership and gain their trust [9].
    • Potential Solutions: The sources propose a system where the local leadership could help create a system to arrest criminals of their own sect. This would ensure that crime is addressed without inflaming sectarian tensions [4]. Additionally, the sources suggest that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should go after those spreading sectarian hatred on social media, regardless of their location [4]. It is also proposed that the Markaz (religious center) of Para Chinar should be recognized by all to help resolve issues and ensure people follow the Markaz leadership [10].

    In summary, Shia-Sunni tensions in Para Chinar are deeply rooted in historical conflicts, political manipulation, and government policies. These tensions have resulted in violence, road blockades, and severe hardship for the local population. However, the sources also highlight the potential for peace through engagement with the current Shia leadership and by addressing the underlying causes of sectarianism.

    Political Solutions for Para Chinar Conflict

    Political solutions to the conflict in Para Chinar, as suggested by the sources, revolve around addressing the root causes of sectarian tensions, promoting unity, and ensuring fair governance [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the proposed solutions:

    • Engage with Current Shia Leadership: The sources emphasize the importance of engaging with the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi, who is described as a kind-hearted and peace-oriented leader [1]. The text suggests that the government and Ahle Sunnat community should seek to gain their trust and work with them to find solutions [2]. The Shia leadership is seen as a crucial partner for establishing peace and stability in the region.
    • Recognize the Markaz (Religious Center): The text proposes that the Markaz in Para Chinar should be recognized and accepted by all, as this would help to ensure that people follow the guidance of the leadership [3, 4]. This recognition could play a key role in unifying the community and establishing a framework for resolving disputes.
    • Establish a System for Arresting Criminals: A key political solution is to establish a system where criminals are apprehended by members of their own sect [3]. This means that if a Shia commits a crime, other Shias should catch and arrest them, and vice-versa for Sunnis. This method is proposed as a way to prevent sectarian tensions from escalating in response to criminal acts, and to maintain a more peaceful environment, by preventing tribal and sectarian conflicts from becoming intertwined with criminal justice.
    • Combat Sectarianism on Social Media: The sources highlight the role of social media in spreading sectarian hatred and inciting violence [3]. It is proposed that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should pursue and address those spreading sectarianism on social media, regardless of their location. This approach recognizes that instigators often reside outside the region, and that their actions need to be confronted to reduce sectarian animosity.
    • Promote Unity and Cooperation: The text promotes unity and cooperation between Shia and Sunni communities [2, 3]. The sources describe how efforts to organize a conference bringing together Shia and Sunni leaders in Para Chinar were intended to encourage mutual cooperation and unity [2].
    • Fair Governance and Justice: The sources argue that the government should not discriminate based on sect, but treat all citizens equally [5]. The text suggests that current government policy of “repairing” Shias when they become powerful is unjust [5, 6]. The text advocates for a system where justice is applied equally to all, and where criminals are held accountable regardless of their religious affiliation [5]. The government should be an impartial arbiter, rather than a participant in sectarian conflict [5].
    • Address Root Causes: The sources indicate that sectarian tensions arise from multiple factors, such as disputes over land, business transactions, and political manipulation [7-9]. Therefore, any lasting solution needs to address these underlying causes.
    • Include all Communities: The text suggests that any solution must involve all communities, and avoid alienating or excluding any part of the population [1, 2]. This emphasizes the importance of inclusive governance and reconciliation.
    • Avoid Provocative Actions: The text notes that imposing strict measures on the Shia community, even against those who are considered peaceful, can lead to a more oppressive environment and that “nimturi” (strictness) leads to more extreme reactions from those who are targeted [2]. This suggests that actions must be carefully considered, and that harsh responses to a community can be counter-productive.

    In summary, the political solutions proposed in the sources emphasize the need for inclusive governance, fair justice, engagement with community leaders, and a focus on addressing the root causes of sectarian conflict [1, 3]. The solutions involve active efforts to promote cooperation and unity, while also targeting individuals who incite violence and sectarian hatred [2, 3]. These solutions also advocate for a more just system of government that protects all citizens equally [5].

    Para Chinar Conflict: Roots and Causes

    The conflict in Para Chinar is rooted in a complex interplay of historical, political, and socio-religious factors. The sources and our conversation history point to several key root causes:

    • Sectarian Tensions: At the heart of the conflict are deep-seated tensions between the Shia and Sunni communities [1, 2]. The text describes a history of violence between these groups, with the most recent incident being the brutal murder of Ahle Sunnat people, reportedly triggered by a false rumor [1]. This incident is presented as part of a recurring cycle of sectarian violence [1].
    • Political Manipulation: The sources suggest that these sectarian tensions have been deliberately exploited for political purposes [2, 3].
    • Zia-ul-Haq’s Era: During Zia-ul-Haq’s rule, the Deobandi sect was promoted, leading to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [4]. Zia-ul-Haq also created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba to suppress political opposition [2]. The text asserts that Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3].
    • Government Policy of “Repairing” Shias: The sources claim that the government has a policy of “repairing” Shias whenever they become powerful, and that they use religious communities to initiate conflict [5, 6]. The road blockade is presented as one of the tactics used by the government to weaken the Shia community [1].
    • Triggers for Violence: The sources highlight that various factors can ignite sectarian violence [1, 7].
    • Disputes: These include disputes over land, business transactions, and even rumors spread on social media [1, 7].
    • Rumors: A false rumor was the catalyst for the recent violence, in which Ahle Sunnat people were murdered, demonstrating how easily misinformation can escalate into conflict [1].
    • Social Media: The text notes the role of social media in spreading sectarian hatred and inciting violence [7].
    • Lack of Fair Governance: The sources indicate that the government is not treating all citizens equally [8]. The government’s policy of “repairing” Shias is presented as an example of unfair and discriminatory practices [6, 8]. The text argues that the government should not favor any sect, and should punish criminals regardless of their religious affiliation [8].
    • Historical Grievances: The text alludes to historical grievances that fuel the conflict, including past actions taken against the Shia community. For example, during Zia-ul-Haq’s time, the Shias had taken actions for which Zia-ul-Haq decided to punish them [2]. The text does not elaborate on the details, but suggests that historical grievances contribute to the current conflict.
    • Road Blockades: The road blockades themselves, while a consequence of violence, also contribute to the conflict by causing immense hardship on the Shia population, creating further resentment and tension [1].
    • External Influences: While the text notes that the Shia leadership was not directly linked to the Iranian revolution, there was a perception that the Shias were influenced by it, and that this led to further suppression by the government [5, 9].
    • Lack of Unity: The sources point out the lack of unity among the various sects and tribes as contributing to the problem, as it creates an environment where conflict can be easily ignited [7].

    In summary, the root causes of the conflict in Para Chinar include deep-seated sectarian tensions, political manipulation, government policies that are perceived as unjust, triggers for violence, and a lack of fair governance. These factors have created an environment where violence can easily erupt and where the local population suffers due to the actions of a few and the inequitable policies of the state.

    Zia-ul-Haq and Sectarian Tensions in Pakistan

    Zia-ul-Haq played a significant role in exacerbating sectarian tensions in Pakistan, according to the sources [1-3]. Here’s a breakdown of his involvement:

    • Promotion of the Deobandi Sect: During his rule, Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect [1, 2]. This promotion led to Deobandis taking over Barelvi and Shia mosques, increasing sectarian divisions [2].
    • Creation of Terror Groups: Zia-ul-Haq is accused of creating terrorist groups like Sipah Sahaba [1]. These groups were used to suppress political opposition and further fueled sectarian conflict [1].
    • Mixing of Religious Sects for Political Control: The sources state that Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3]. This manipulation deepened divisions between Shia and Sunni communities [3].
    • Targeting Shias: The sources indicate that Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions, though the specifics of these actions are not detailed [1]. This targeting further intensified sectarian tensions and led to a sense of persecution within the Shia community [1].
    • Exploitation of Jihadis: Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect because the Jihadis were Deobandi Jihadis [2]. This further empowered the Deobandi sect and led to increased sectarian conflict [2].
    • Policies Resulting in Shia Resistance: Zia-ul-Haq’s actions, including his imposition of martial law and restrictions on political activities, led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh, the school of jurisprudence, in 1979 [3]. This resistance showed the power and organization of the Shia community [3].
    • Anti-Shia Sentiment: According to the sources, Zia-ul-Haq created an environment where anti-Shia sentiment could flourish [4]. This is evident in his reaction to the Shia community’s resistance and his efforts to undermine their influence [4].
    • Forming Sipah Saba to “Repair” Shias: The sources also claim that Zia-ul-Haq formed Sipah Saba in order to “repair” the Shias, indicating that he viewed the Shia community as a problem that needed to be controlled and suppressed [4]. This policy further intensified sectarian tensions [4].

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s policies and actions played a crucial role in creating and intensifying sectarian tensions in Pakistan, particularly between Shia and Sunni communities. He promoted certain sects, created terrorist groups, and deliberately manipulated religious differences for political gain. His rule is viewed as a pivotal point in the history of sectarian conflict in the region, and as a time when the government directly contributed to sectarian divisions [1-3].

    Zia-ul-Haq and Pakistan’s Sectarian Violence

    Zia-ul-Haq’s actions had a profoundly negative impact on Shia-Sunni relations, significantly worsening sectarian tensions in Pakistan [1, 2]. Here’s how his policies and actions affected these relations, according to the sources:

    • Promotion of Sectarianism: Zia-ul-Haq actively promoted the Deobandi sect, which led to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [2]. This created an environment of distrust and resentment between the sects, because the Deobandi sect, which was aligned with the Jihadis of that time, was given preferential treatment [2].
    • Creation of Terrorist Groups: Zia-ul-Haq is accused of forming terrorist organizations such as Sipah Sahaba [1]. These groups were used to suppress political opponents, but they also targeted Shias, further fueling sectarian violence [1]. The creation of such groups exacerbated the existing tensions between the two communities by legitimizing violence against the Shia community.
    • Manipulation of Religious Sects for Political Control: The sources state that Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3]. This manipulation deepened divisions between the Shia and Sunni communities, as it made sectarian identities more politically salient and created an environment where religious differences were weaponized for political purposes.
    • Targeting Shias: Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions, though the details are not specified in the sources [1, 3]. This targeting intensified sectarian tensions and created a sense of persecution within the Shia community, and led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh in 1979 [3].
    • “Repairing” the Shias: The sources claim that Zia-ul-Haq formed Sipah Saba in order to “repair” the Shias, indicating that he viewed the Shia community as a problem that needed to be controlled and suppressed [4]. This policy of “repairing” Shias was not an attempt to bridge divides, but rather an effort to undermine Shia influence and authority, further stoking tensions [5].
    • Anti-Shia Sentiment: According to the sources, Zia-ul-Haq created an environment where anti-Shia sentiment could flourish [4]. By favoring certain sects and targeting others, Zia-ul-Haq actively fostered an environment where violence and discrimination against the Shia community became more acceptable, and perhaps inevitable.
    • Policies Resulting in Shia Resistance: Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, including his imposition of martial law and restrictions on political activities, led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh in 1979 [3]. This resistance further amplified the tensions, creating a more volatile situation.

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s actions and policies had a devastating effect on Shia-Sunni relations by creating an environment of fear, distrust, and animosity [1, 2, 4]. He is seen as responsible for actively promoting sectarian divisions and for using these divisions for his own political advantage [1, 3]. His policies led to the creation of terrorist groups, the targeting of Shias, and a general rise in sectarian violence, the effects of which are still felt in the region today [1, 2, 5]. His policies and actions directly undermined any possibility of peaceful co-existence between the Shia and Sunni communities, and his legacy is one of heightened sectarian tensions and conflict [1-3].

    Shia Grievances Against Zia-ul-Haq’s Regime

    The sources indicate that Shias had several specific grievances against Zia-ul-Haq’s regime, stemming from his policies and actions that were seen as discriminatory and oppressive. Here are the key grievances:

    • Promotion of the Deobandi Sect and Takeover of Mosques: Zia-ul-Haq’s promotion of the Deobandi sect led to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [1]. This was a major grievance because it infringed on the Shias’ religious spaces and their right to practice their faith freely [1]. This takeover created resentment and a feeling of being marginalized within their own communities [1].
    • Creation of Terrorist Groups: The formation of groups like Sipah Sahaba by Zia-ul-Haq is a significant grievance [2]. These groups were not only used to suppress political opposition but also targeted Shias, leading to violence and a sense of insecurity within the community [2, 3]. The creation of these groups made Shias feel like they were being actively targeted and victimized by the state [2, 3].
    • Targeting of Shias: The sources mention that Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions [2, 3]. Although the specifics of these actions are not detailed, the targeting led to a sense of persecution and injustice among Shias, who felt they were being unfairly treated by the government [2, 3].
    • Policy of “Repairing” Shias: The policy of “repairing” Shias through groups like Sipah Saba was seen as a direct attack on their community and their religious identity [3]. This policy conveyed that the Shias were considered a problem to be controlled and suppressed rather than equal citizens, fostering deep resentment [3].
    • Imposition of Hanafi Fiqh: Zia-ul-Haq’s attempt to impose Hanafi Fiqh, a school of jurisprudence, was a major point of contention [4]. The Shia community organized and publicly declared their opposition to it in 1979. This move was perceived as an attempt to undermine their religious practices and autonomy, leading to widespread protests and resistance [4].
    • Suppression of Political Activities: Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law and restrictions on political activities were a significant concern for the Shias as well as others in Pakistan [4]. These restrictions limited their ability to express their grievances through political means and to organize themselves politically [4]. This political suppression was a common experience for all people but also made it harder for Shias to mobilize against the policies they perceived to be unjust [4].
    • Discrimination and Injustice: More broadly, Shias felt that Zia-ul-Haq’s policies created an environment of discrimination and injustice [5]. They believed that the state was not treating them fairly, and that it was actively working to suppress them and their religious expression [5]. This perception of being second-class citizens fueled their grievances [5].
    • Disregard for Shia Community: The overall approach of the Zia-ul-Haq government was perceived as one of disregard for the Shia community and its rights [3, 6]. This feeling of being ignored and suppressed contributed to their sense of grievance and fueled their resistance [3, 6].

    In summary, Shias had significant grievances against Zia-ul-Haq’s regime due to his policies that promoted sectarianism, suppressed their religious freedom, created an environment of violence, and specifically targeted their community. These grievances stemmed from a perception that the government was not only biased against them but also actively working to undermine their existence and suppress their rights.

    Zia-ul-Haq and Pakistan’s Sectarian Violence

    Zia-ul-Haq’s regime had a profoundly negative impact on Shia-Sunni relations in Pakistan, significantly worsening sectarian tensions [1, 2]. His policies and actions created an environment of fear, distrust, and animosity between the two communities [1, 3-5].

    Here’s how his regime affected these relations, according to the sources:

    • Promotion of Sectarianism: Zia-ul-Haq actively promoted the Deobandi sect, which led to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [2]. This created an environment of distrust and resentment between the sects, as the Deobandi sect, aligned with the Jihadis, was given preferential treatment [2]. This created a sense of marginalization among Shias and contributed to sectarian tensions [3].
    • Creation of Terrorist Groups: Zia-ul-Haq is accused of forming terrorist organizations like Sipah Sahaba [1]. These groups were used to suppress political opponents but also targeted Shias, further fueling sectarian violence [1]. The creation of such groups exacerbated tensions by legitimizing violence against the Shia community [4].
    • Manipulation of Religious Sects: Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3]. This manipulation deepened divisions between Shia and Sunni communities, creating an environment where religious differences were weaponized for political purposes [3].
    • Targeting Shias: Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions, although the specifics aren’t detailed in the sources [1, 3]. This targeting intensified sectarian tensions and created a sense of persecution within the Shia community [3, 6].
    • Policy of “Repairing” the Shias: The sources claim that Zia-ul-Haq formed Sipah Saba to “repair” the Shias, indicating he viewed the Shia community as a problem to be controlled [4]. This policy was not an attempt to bridge divides but an effort to undermine Shia influence, further stoking tensions [4].
    • Anti-Shia Sentiment: Zia-ul-Haq created an environment where anti-Shia sentiment could flourish [4, 5]. By favoring certain sects and targeting others, he fostered an environment where violence and discrimination against the Shia community became more acceptable [4].
    • Policies Resulting in Shia Resistance: Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, such as the imposition of martial law and restrictions on political activities, led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh in 1979 [3]. This resistance further amplified the tensions [3].
    • Exploitation of Jihadis: Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect because the Jihadis were Deobandi Jihadis [2]. This further empowered the Deobandi sect and led to increased sectarian conflict [2].

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s actions and policies had a devastating effect on Shia-Sunni relations by creating an environment of fear, distrust, and animosity [1, 3-5]. He is seen as responsible for actively promoting sectarian divisions and for using these divisions for his own political advantage [1-3]. His policies led to the creation of terrorist groups, the targeting of Shias, and a general rise in sectarian violence [1, 3-5].

    Shia Mobilization Under Zia-ul-Haq

    Zia-ul-Haq’s policies had a significant impact on Shia political mobilization in Pakistan, leading to a more organized and assertive Shia community [1, 2]. Here’s how his actions influenced their political mobilization, according to the sources:

    • Resistance to Hanafi Fiqh: Zia-ul-Haq’s attempt to impose Hanafi Fiqh was a catalyst for Shia political mobilization [1]. In 1979, the Shia community organized and publicly declared their opposition to this policy [1, 2]. This unified stance against the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh demonstrated a new level of cohesion and political awareness within the Shia community [1].
    • Formation of Unified Leadership: The opposition to Hanafi Fiqh led to the establishment of a unified Shia leadership under Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain [1]. This leadership was crucial in mobilizing the Shia community across Pakistan, and provided a central point for organizing resistance and articulating their demands [1]. This marks a shift from a previously fragmented community [1].
    • Nationwide Protests: The newly unified Shia community staged a major protest in Islamabad, demanding that Hanafi Fiqh not be imposed on them and that Zakat deductions from banks not be enforced [2]. This sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad was a significant display of Shia political strength and unity, and demonstrated their capability to mobilize on a national scale [2].
    • Increased Political Awareness: The sources state that prior to Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, the Shias were not politically organized, and there was no leadership or unified structure [1]. However, Zia-ul-Haq’s actions created a sense of shared grievance and identity among the Shias, which galvanized them to come together and to take collective political action [1].
    • Response to Perceived Injustice: Shia political mobilization was fueled by a sense of injustice and discrimination under Zia-ul-Haq’s regime [1, 2]. His policies, such as the promotion of the Deobandi sect and the formation of anti-Shia groups like Sipah Sahaba, were seen as direct attacks on the Shia community, leading to a greater sense of urgency in their political activities [3-5].
    • Impact of the Iranian Revolution: Although the Shia leadership in Pakistan was not initially revolutionary, the Iranian Revolution did influence the atmosphere [2, 6]. While there was no direct connection or transaction between the two, there was sympathy for the Iranian revolution within the Shia community in Pakistan, and this indirectly contributed to their sense of political possibility [2]. The government and others, however, mistakenly believed that the revolution in Iran was directly linked to the Shia uprising in Pakistan, and this further heightened tensions [6].
    • Challenging the Martial Law: The Shia protests in Islamabad forced Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law regime to accept their demands, demonstrating the effectiveness of their mobilization and their ability to challenge government policies [2]. This success further encouraged their political involvement and demonstrated the potential of their collective action [2].
    • Shift to Revolutionary Spirit: While the Shia community in Pakistan was not initially revolutionary, after these events, a revolutionary spirit was born in the youth and a viewpoint related to revolution was established among the people [6].

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s policies inadvertently spurred Shia political mobilization by creating a common cause, a shared sense of grievance, and the need to defend their rights [1, 2]. His actions led to the formation of a unified leadership, nationwide protests, and a greater sense of political awareness within the Shia community [1, 2]. This period marked a significant shift from a previously fragmented and politically inactive community to one that was more organized, assertive, and capable of collective political action [1, 2].

    The 1979 Shia Convention and Zia-ul-Haq’s Regime

    The 1979 Shia convention in Pakistan had a significant impact on Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, primarily by demonstrating the strength and unity of the Shia community and forcing his regime to reconsider its approach towards them [1]. Here’s a breakdown of the key impacts:

    • Forced Reversal of Policy: The most immediate impact of the 1979 convention was that it forced Zia-ul-Haq’s government to back down from its attempt to impose Hanafi Fiqh [1]. This was a major victory for the Shia community, as they had organized and publicly declared their opposition to this policy [2]. The convention and the subsequent sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad led to the government accepting the Shia demands, which was not an easy task, and it demonstrated that the Shia community could effectively challenge the martial law regime [1].
    • Demonstration of Shia Political Power: The convention showcased the mobilization and organizational capabilities of the Shia community. The fact that thousands and lakhs of people gathered in Islamabad demonstrated their ability to mobilize on a national scale [1]. The sit-in at the Secretariat sent a clear message to Zia-ul-Haq that the Shias were not a passive group that could be ignored [1].
    • Recognition of Shia Unity: The convention and the organized resistance against the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh highlighted the unity of the Shia community under a newly formed leadership [2]. Before this, the Shia community was described as fragmented with no unified structure [1, 2]. The convention and the leadership of Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain, which formed in 1979, demonstrated that the Shia community could act as a united political force [1, 2].
    • Shift in Government Perception: Zia-ul-Haq’s regime initially underestimated the Shia community, considering them to be a group that “beat themselves up and become silent” [1]. However, the convention revealed that the Shias were capable of organized resistance and could pose a significant challenge to his authority [1]. The success of the protest forced the government to recognize that the Shias were a considerable political force.
    • Misinterpretation of Iranian Influence: The timing of the convention, coinciding with the Iranian Revolution, led to the mistaken belief that the Shia uprising in Pakistan was directly linked to the Iranian Revolution [1]. While there was sympathy for the Iranian revolution, the Shia leadership was not revolutionary, and the protests were a reaction to Zia-ul-Haq’s domestic policies [1, 3]. This misinterpretation, however, further heightened tensions and influenced Zia-ul-Haq’s policies towards the Shia community.
    • Long-Term Impact: The convention marked the beginning of a new era for the Shia community in Pakistan. It instilled a sense of political awareness and revolutionary spirit among the Shia youth, leading to further political mobilization [1, 3]. It also solidified the idea that the Shia community could resist policies they deemed unjust and could demand their rights [1].

    In summary, the 1979 Shia convention in Pakistan was a pivotal moment that forced Zia-ul-Haq to recognize the Shia community as a potent political force [1]. The convention led to the reversal of the Hanafi Fiqh policy, demonstrated the Shia community’s unity and mobilization capabilities, and altered the government’s perception of the community. This event also mistakenly linked the Shia movement to the Iranian revolution and had a lasting impact on the Shia community’s political awareness and activism [1, 3].

    Para Chinar Road Closure: A Humanitarian Crisis

    The road closure in Para Chinar had severe consequences for the local population, as it restricted the flow of essential goods and services [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the key consequences:

    • Lack of Essential Supplies: The road closure resulted in a severe shortage of food, medicines, and other essential items in Para Chinar [1, 2]. The primary route for these goods passes through an area populated by Ahle Sunnat, and its closure effectively cut off the city from vital supplies [1].
    • Impact on Healthcare: The closure prevented the transport of medicines and hindered the movement of patients, leading to the deaths of injured individuals who were unable to receive timely treatment [2]. Many injured patients who were brought to the hospital for treatment died because they were not allowed access [2].
    • Economic Hardship: The road closure disrupted daily life, impacting the movement of people and trade, as the road is usually very busy with thousands of people coming and going [2]. Para Chinar’s daily needs are supplied through this road [1].
    • Humanitarian Crisis: The combination of food and medicine shortages, along with the inability of the sick and injured to seek treatment, created a significant humanitarian crisis in the area [2, 3]. The situation was described as worse than war, due to the daily need of the people of Para Chinar for essential supplies that are now cut off [1].
    • Historical Context: The road closure appears to be part of a recurring pattern, with past incidents resulting in similar blockades [4]. The sources claim that this method of cutting off supplies is an old tactic used against the Shia population in Para Chinar [5].
    • Government Response: The government’s policy of dealing with the Shia population appears to involve collective punishment, with the road closure affecting the entire community, including women, children, the elderly, and the sick [3, 5]. This policy is criticized because it harms innocent civilians [3].
    • Sectarian Dimensions: The road closure is connected to the underlying sectarian tensions, as the road is controlled by the Ahle Sunnat, and the closure is seen as a means of “teaching a lesson” to the Shia community [1, 5].
    • Alternative Routes Closed: The traditional alternate route to Para Chinar through Afghanistan is also closed, due to the presence of the Taliban [5]. This makes the community even more isolated and vulnerable.

    In summary, the road closure in Para Chinar resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, characterized by shortages of essential supplies, deaths due to lack of medical care, and economic hardship. The closure is seen as a deliberate act of collective punishment against the Shia community, reflecting deeper sectarian issues. The sources suggest that such actions are a recurring issue in the region.

    Para Chinar Road Closure: A Humanitarian Crisis

    The road closure in Para Chinar had severe consequences for the local population, as it restricted the flow of essential goods and services [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the key consequences:

    • Lack of Essential Supplies: The road closure resulted in a severe shortage of food, medicines, and other essential items in Para Chinar [1, 2]. The primary route for these goods passes through an area populated by Ahle Sunnat, and its closure effectively cut off the city from vital supplies [1].
    • Impact on Healthcare: The closure prevented the transport of medicines and hindered the movement of patients, leading to the deaths of injured individuals who were unable to receive timely treatment [2]. Many injured patients who were brought to the hospital for treatment died because they were not allowed access [2].
    • Economic Hardship: The road closure disrupted daily life, impacting the movement of people and trade, as the road is usually very busy with thousands of people coming and going [2]. Para Chinar’s daily needs are supplied through this road [1].
    • Humanitarian Crisis: The combination of food and medicine shortages, along with the inability of the sick and injured to seek treatment, created a significant humanitarian crisis in the area [2, 3]. The situation was described as worse than war, due to the daily need of the people of Para Chinar for essential supplies that are now cut off [1].
    • Historical Context: The road closure appears to be part of a recurring pattern, with past incidents resulting in similar blockades [4]. The sources claim that this method of cutting off supplies is an old tactic used against the Shia population in Para Chinar [5].
    • Government Response: The government’s policy of dealing with the Shia population appears to involve collective punishment, with the road closure affecting the entire community, including women, children, the elderly, and the sick [3, 5]. This policy is criticized because it harms innocent civilians [3].
    • Sectarian Dimensions: The road closure is connected to the underlying sectarian tensions, as the road is controlled by the Ahle Sunnat, and the closure is seen as a means of “teaching a lesson” to the Shia community [1, 5].
    • Alternative Routes Closed: The traditional alternate route to Para Chinar through Afghanistan is also closed, due to the presence of the Taliban [5]. This makes the community even more isolated and vulnerable.

    In summary, the road closure in Para Chinar resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, characterized by shortages of essential supplies, deaths due to lack of medical care, and economic hardship. The closure is seen as a deliberate act of collective punishment against the Shia community, reflecting deeper sectarian issues. The sources suggest that such actions are a recurring issue in the region.

    A Peace Proposal for Para Chinar

    The proposed solution for peace in Para Chinar involves several key elements, focusing on dialogue, cooperation, and addressing the root causes of conflict, according to the sources:

    • Dialogue with Current Shia Leadership: The sources strongly advocate for engaging with the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi. This leadership is described as virtuous, kind-hearted, and committed to peace [1, 2]. The sources highlight that this leadership has worked to resolve conflicts in the past and is not a proponent of sectarian violence [1].
    • Building Trust: The state and the Ahle Sunnat community should seek to build trust with the Shia leadership. The sources emphasize that this is an excellent opportunity to work together to achieve peace, and that the current Shia leadership is the most virtuous that could be found [2].
    • Joint Shia-Sunni Conference: The sources suggest that a conference involving both Shia and Sunni leaders, as well as other tribal leaders, should be organized in Para Chinar to promote mutual cooperation and unity. This conference would bring together all parties to work towards peace [2]. A similar conference was planned in the past but was disrupted by conflict [2].
    • Acceptance of the Markaz: The solution requires that the people of Para Chinar, including different tribes, accept the leadership of the Markaz in Marbupalli [3, 4]. The Markaz is a central authority that can serve as a point of unity for the Shia community, and that acceptance of this authority is key to finding a path toward peace [3, 4].
    • Joint Action Against Criminals: The sources propose that both the Shia and Sunni communities should take responsibility for arresting criminals within their respective communities. If a Shia commits a crime, the Shia community should arrest them, and if a Sunni commits a crime, the Sunni community should arrest them. This approach would prevent sectarian conflict and avoid generalizing a crime to an entire community [3].
    • Addressing External Incitement: The sources also stress the need to address those who incite sectarian violence, particularly those who use social media to spread rumors and hatred. It is proposed that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should track down such individuals, whether they are located in Qatar, Iran, or elsewhere, and bring them to justice [3].
    • Avoiding Collective Punishment: The sources specifically criticize the practice of collectively punishing the entire Shia community for the actions of a few individuals. They argue that such policies, like the road closure, are unjust and counterproductive, as they harm innocent people, including women, children, and the sick [1, 5]. The solution involves treating all citizens as equals and punishing individuals for their own actions, irrespective of their religion [5].
    • Recognizing Shia Rights: The sources imply the importance of recognizing the rights of the Shia community in Para Chinar, avoiding policies that are seen as deliberately oppressive.

    In summary, the proposed solution for peace in Para Chinar is multifaceted. It emphasizes dialogue with the existing Shia leadership, building trust, organizing a joint Shia-Sunni conference, joint action against criminals within each community, addressing external incitement of sectarian violence, and ceasing policies of collective punishment. The core of the solution involves cooperation between Shia and Sunni communities with a focus on justice and mutual respect [3].

    By Amjad Izhar
    Contact: amjad.izhar@gmail.com
    https://amjadizhar.blog

  • The Straight Path: A Discourse on Islamic Sects

    The Straight Path: A Discourse on Islamic Sects

    This text is a transcription of a lecture discussing the internal conflict within the Tablighi Jamaat, a large Islamic missionary movement. The speaker details the history of the Jamaat, highlighting key figures and events leading to a schism in 2016. He explores the underlying causes of the division, including succession disputes and differing interpretations of religious practices. The lecture further examines the broader context of sectarianism in Islam, emphasizing the importance of adhering to the Quran and Sunnah while advocating for tolerance and unity among diverse Muslim groups. Finally, the speaker urges a return to core Islamic principles to resolve the conflict and prevent further division within the Muslim community.

    Tablighi Jamaat and Sectarianism: A Study Guide

    Quiz

    Answer each question in 2-3 sentences.

    1. What are the two factions that have formed within the Tablighi Jamaat in recent years and what is the primary point of conflict between them?
    2. What are the three main centers of the Tablighi Jamaat’s annual gatherings, and where are they located?
    3. What are the titles of the two books used by the Tablighi Jamaat that have recently become a source of controversy, and why are they controversial?
    4. What is the historical context of the Deobandi and Barelvi conflict, and what is the central issue of contention?
    5. Who was Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi and what is his significance to the Tablighi Jamaat?
    6. According to the speaker, what is the primary issue that caused the split in the Tablighi Jamaat after the death of Maulana Inamul Hasan?
    7. What is the speaker’s view on sectarianism within Islam and what does he argue is the source of division?
    8. According to the speaker, what is the importance of the Quran and Sunnah, and how should Muslims approach the interpretation of these sources?
    9. How does the speaker analyze the hadith of the 73 sects in relation to sectarianism?
    10. What is the speaker’s perspective on the role of the Imams in Islamic jurisprudence, and what is his specific objection to the way they are followed by some Muslims?

    Quiz Answer Key

    1. The two factions within the Tablighi Jamaat are the “building group,” which focuses on infrastructure and organization, and the “Shura group,” which adheres to a council-based leadership structure. The primary conflict is over leadership and authority, stemming from a dispute regarding the appointment of an amir (leader).
    2. The three main centers of the Tablighi Jamaat’s annual gatherings are in Tongi (Bangladesh), near Lahore (Pakistan), and the Nizamuddin center in Delhi (India). These gatherings draw huge numbers of participants and are significant events in the Tablighi Jamaat calendar.
    3. The two books are “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity.” They are controversial because they contain accounts of outlandish Sufi events and stories, which some find to be inconsistent with a strict adherence to the Qur’an and Sunnah.
    4. The conflict between the Deobandi and Barelvi sects began after the establishment of the Deoband Madrasah and is rooted in differing views on Sufi practices and the authority of Hadith. Each group holds the other as not being a true Muslim, even though they both come from the Sunni and Hanafi schools of thought.
    5. Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi was the founder of the Tablighi Jamaat, who started the movement in 1926 as an effort to educate Muslims at the basic level of the religion. He focused on teaching Muslims about ablutions and prayers, expanding the movement to various villages.
    6. According to the speaker, the primary cause of the split in the Tablighi Jamaat was the failure to reestablish the Shoori (council) after the death of Maulana Inamul Hasan and a power struggle, resulting in the appointment of Maulana Saad Kandhalvi without the proper consultation.
    7. The speaker views sectarianism as a curse and believes the primary source of division within the Islamic community is the creation of factions and the adherence to traditions and teachings outside of the Qur’an and Sunnah. He advocates for unity based on the teachings of the Qur’an and Sunnah.
    8. The speaker emphasizes that the Qur’an and Sunnah are the supreme and fundamental sources of guidance in Islam. He advises that Muslims approach the interpretation of these sources by referencing Hadith and avoiding opinions or traditions that deviate from their teachings.
    9. The speaker argues that the hadith of the 73 sects does not command Muslims to create sects. Rather, it is a prediction of what will happen. He states that the Qur’an orders Muslims not to create sects and to reject interpretations of Hadith that justify divisiveness.
    10. The speaker believes that the Imams should be respected but that their sayings should not supersede the Qur’an and Sunnah. He objects to how some Muslims follow Imams dogmatically rather than directly studying the Qur’an and Hadith, specifically referencing the act of kissing the thumb.

    Essay Questions

    1. Analyze the historical development of the Tablighi Jamaat, including its origins, growth, and the internal conflicts that have led to its current state of division. How has the legacy of Ilyas Kandhalvi shaped the trajectory of the movement?
    2. Discuss the role of religious texts in the Tablighi Jamaat, focusing on the controversial books “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity,” and the impact of these books on the schism within the Jamaat. How do they compare to more canonical texts of the Qur’an and Sunnah?
    3. Examine the issue of sectarianism within Islam as described by the speaker. What are the core issues that contribute to sectarian divisions, and how does he suggest overcoming them? What are the obstacles to creating unity within Islam, as identified by the speaker?
    4. Compare and contrast the speaker’s approach to understanding Islam with the practices of the Tablighi Jamaat and its various factions. In what ways does the speaker attempt to be a neutral observer while also providing an analysis of the movement’s theological underpinnings?
    5. Discuss the speaker’s emphasis on the Qur’an and Sunnah as the primary sources of guidance in Islam. How does this compare with the speaker’s understanding of the role of the Imams and the traditional schools of thought?

    Glossary of Key Terms

    • Tablighi Jamaat: A transnational Islamic missionary movement that encourages Muslims to return to a strict adherence to Sunni Islam.
    • Deobandi: A Sunni Islamic reform movement that emphasizes a strict interpretation of the Qur’an and Hadith, with a focus on education and missionary work.
    • Barelvi: A Sunni Islamic movement that emphasizes love and devotion to the Prophet Muhammad and includes practices that some consider Sufi, often in opposition to the Deobandi view.
    • Ahl al-Hadith: A movement within Sunni Islam that emphasizes the importance of direct study of the Hadith, and often opposes Sufi practices or traditions not directly found in the texts.
    • Shura: A consultative council used in Islamic decision-making. In this context, it refers to the leadership council within the Tablighi Jamaat.
    • Amir: A leader or commander, often used to denote the head of a religious group or organization. In this context, it is the disputed leadership position within the Tablighi Jamaat.
    • Nizamuddin Center: The original headquarters of the Tablighi Jamaat in Delhi, India.
    • Raiwand Center: A major center of the Tablighi Jamaat located in Pakistan.
    • Tongi (Bangladesh): A town near Dhaka, Bangladesh, known for hosting one of the largest annual Tablighi Jamaat gatherings.
    • Virtues of Deeds/Virtues of Charity: Two books written by Shaykh Zakaria Kandhalvi used by the Tablighi Jamaat that have become controversial for containing outlandish Sufi stories and accounts.
    • Hayat al-Sahaba: A book written by Yusuf Kandhalvi about the lives of the companions of the Prophet, used within the Tablighi Jamaat.
    • Ijtihad: The process of making a legal decision based on the Islamic legal tradition. The term refers to reasoned interpretation of Islamic law by qualified scholars.
    • Sunnah: The practice and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, serving as a secondary source of guidance for Muslims after the Qur’an.
    • Hadith: The recorded sayings, actions, and approvals of the Prophet Muhammad, which are used to guide Muslims in their religious practice and understanding.
    • Qur’an: The holy scripture of Islam, considered by Muslims to be the word of God as revealed to the Prophet Muhammad.
    • Ahl al-Bayt: The family of the Prophet Muhammad, including his descendants, wives, and other close relatives.
    • Tawheed: The concept of the oneness of God in Islam, which emphasizes that there is no other god but Allah.
    • Ghadir Khum: A specific location where the Prophet Muhammad is said to have delivered a sermon about the importance of Ahl al-Bayt.
    • Rifa al-Ideen: The practice of raising hands during prayer, specifically when going into and rising from the bowing position (Ruku’). This is a point of contention for some Sunni Muslims.
    • Ijma: The consensus of the Muslim scholars on a particular issue of law or practice.
    • Fard: A religious obligation in Islam that is considered a duty for all Muslims.
    • Mujaddid: A renewer of the faith, who is seen as coming at the turn of each century in the Islamic calendar to restore Islamic practice back to the traditions of the Prophet and his companions.
    • Nasbiy: A derogatory term given to individuals who show animosity toward the family of the Prophet Muhammad.
    • Kharijites: An early sect of Islam who broke away from mainstream Islam over political and religious disputes.
    • Wahhabi Movement: An Islamic revivalist movement that promotes a strict adherence to Islamic doctrine and often views other Muslims as apostate.
    • Shia: A sect of Islam that believe Ali ibn Abi Talib was the rightful successor to the Prophet Muhammad.
    • Qadiani: A group that stems from the Ahmadiyya movement that was founded in 1889. Orthodox Muslims don’t consider them to be proper Muslims.

    Tablighi Jamaat Schism and Islamic Unity

    Okay, here is a detailed briefing document analyzing the provided text:

    Briefing Document: Analysis of Discourse on the Tablighi Jamaat and Sectarianism within Islam

    Date: October 22, 2024 (based on the text’s context)

    Source: Excerpts from a transcript of a public session (number 179) held on December 29, 2024

    Overview:

    This briefing document summarizes a lengthy and complex discourse that primarily centers on the Tablighi Jamaat, a large Islamic organization, and its recent internal divisions. The speaker, who identifies as an engineer and a scholar of the Quran and Sunnah, provides a critical historical overview of the group, its origins, and its current conflict. The speaker also uses this specific conflict as a springboard to discuss broader issues within Islam, such as sectarianism, the importance of adhering directly to the Quran and Sunnah, and the dangers of blind following of tradition. The tone is critical yet somewhat sympathetic, seeking to inform and to advocate for a more unified and Quran-centered approach to Islam.

    Key Themes and Ideas:

    1. The Tablighi Jamaat and Its Internal Strife:
    • Origins and Growth: The Tablighi Jamaat was founded by Ilyas Kandhalvi in 1926 with the aim of teaching basic religious practices to Muslims. The speaker acknowledges their hard work and dedication to going “from village to village to town to town to the mosque” and expresses personal “love for the people of Tablighi Jamaat” for their self-sacrifice.
    • Current Division: For the past nine years, the Tablighi Jamaat has been split into two factions: one focused on the “building system” and the other on the “Shuri” (consultative council). The text specifies that the schism became public in 2015. This conflict recently resulted in violence at their annual gathering in Bangladesh on December 18, 2024, with “five people were martyred and more than a hundred were injured.”
    • Accusations and Rhetoric: Each group accuses the other of various offenses, including calling the opposing group “Saadiani” which is intentionally close to “Qadiani” in sound, suggesting they are heretical, and that one side is an “Indian agent” while other “is pro-Pakistan.”
    • Leadership Dispute: The dispute over leadership can be traced to the death of Inamul Hasan in 1995 and the failure to name a successor, resulting in a power vacuum and ultimately, the schism between Maulana Saad Kandhalvi and the Shura based in Raiwand. The speaker argues that the Tablighi Jamaat, which is generally averse to public sectarianism, is publicly showcasing its division.
    1. Sectarianism Within Islam:
    • Historical Context: The speaker traces the historical roots of sectarianism in Islam, highlighting the Deobandi-Barelvi divide, which emerged in the early 20th century. They note that before the Deoband madrasa, distinctions between Muslims were not as significant, focusing instead on legal schools of thought.
    • Critique of Sectarianism: The speaker argues that sectarianism is a “curse” and a deviation from the true teachings of Islam. The speaker emphasizes the need to avoid sectarian labels. They believe that sectarianism and the lack of tolerance prevents Muslim unity.
    • Critique of Following Elders: The speaker takes issue with the practice of following elders in a tradition, that results in the failure to adhere to and interpret the Qur’an and Sunnah directly.
    • Call for Unity through Diversity: The speaker advocates for a form of unity that acknowledges diversity and encourages scholarly debate while emphasizing common ground in the Qur’an and Sunnah.
    1. Importance of the Quran and Sunnah:
    • Primary Sources: The speaker insists that the Quran and the Sunnah (the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad) are the primary sources of guidance in Islam.
    • Rejection of Sectarian Interpretations: They are critical of sectarian interpretations of the Quran and Sunnah, particularly in the area of worship. They find that traditions based on the sayings of elders result in a loss of adherence to the true practices described in Hadith (collections of the sayings and actions of the Prophet).
    • Emphasis on Understanding: The speaker emphasizes the importance of understanding the meaning of the Quran, rather than simply reciting it without comprehension. The speaker strongly criticizes the Tablighi Jamaat for relying more on books of virtue than on the text of the Qur’an itself. They cite the example of the practice of Rafa ul-Yadayn (raising hands during prayer), which they see as a clear example of adherence to Sunnah over sectarian custom. The speaker states that “The entire religion of the whole stands on it.” in regards to following the recorded traditions of how the Prophet practiced Islam.
    1. Critique of Traditional Islamic Practices:
    • Sufi Influences: The speaker is critical of certain Sufi practices and beliefs, particularly those found in books such as “Virtues of Deeds”, used by the Tablighi Jamaat before being removed by Maulana Saad Kandalvi. They reject stories in these books that conflict with the Quran and Sunnah.
    • Rejection of Imitation of Religious Leaders: The speaker states “we don’t believe any sage, we don’t believe traitors, yes, we believe those who are loyal to the Messenger of Allah”. They reject the practice of following particular religious leaders and state that the “Imams are not at fault” and “we are not saying anything to Imam Hanifa, Imam Shafi’i, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, Imam Malik, to his followers”, but reject religious leaders’ ideas that do not follow Quran and Sunnah.
    1. The Concept of “The Straight Path” (Sirat al-Mustaqim):
    • Emphasis on following the straight path. The speaker quotes a hadith about the Prophet drawing a straight line, representing the true path, and many crooked lines, representing the paths of deviation, and urges adherence to the Quran and Sunnah in an effort to avoid “paths of the devil”.
    • Call to adhere to the way of the blessed The speaker concludes by stating that “They have not made their own paths and whoever has deviated from their path is the wrongdoer.” The speaker makes this statement in the context of the Prophet’s path and those who have followed the same path.

    Quotes of Significance:

    • “It is a very big international news for Muslims. Therefore, it is not only a cause of pain and suffering, but also a cause of shame.” – On the Tablighi Jamaat conflict.
    • “No Muslim in the world called himself a Deobandi before the Hanafis There was a difference between the Shafi’is and the Sunnis, but the difference was not that these Deobandis were Muslims…” – On the historical context of sectarianism.
    • “I think sectarianism is a curse and we should avoid it.” – On the speaker’s stance on sectarianism.
    • “The whole issue of sectarianism is going on and then we started the work of a separate invitation, not to form a congregation…” – On the speaker’s organization.
    • “…the Quran and the Sunnah of His Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him). The Qur’an Who wants to believe that the Qur’an and the Sunnah are one and the same, these are not optional things in this regard, there are two sources in parallel, the one who denies the Sunnah is not misguided, brother, he is a disbeliever…” – On the importance of following the Sunnah.
    • “This book is meant to end the differences between Jews and Christians. The book made the Companions and now Rizwan out of misguidance and made them the imam of the whole humanity and you are saying that differences will arise…” – On the unifying effect of the Qur’an.
    • “…after the departure of the Messenger of Allah, the Qur’an is the supreme caliph on this planet earth…” – On the final authority of the Quran after the Prophet.
    • “These are crooked lines, isn’t there a devil sitting on top of each line, who is calling you to him, and in the center of which I have drawn a straight line.” He placed his finger on it and said, “I recited the verse of the Qur’an, ‘The straight path,’ and this is my path, which is the straight path, so follow it…” – On the importance of following the straight path.

    Analysis:

    The speaker’s analysis is comprehensive, historically informed, and critical of the status quo within many Islamic communities. They advocate for a return to the primary sources of Islam (Quran and Sunnah) while rejecting sectarianism, blind following of tradition, and innovations that go against the Prophet’s teachings. The speaker uses the current conflict within the Tablighi Jamaat as a case study to illustrate the harmful effects of sectarianism and the importance of following the straight path. They highlight the significance of adherence to the way of the blessed in following the straight path.

    Potential Implications:

    This discourse has the potential to provoke discussion and debate within Muslim communities. It is a call for a critical engagement with religious traditions, pushing for a more Quran and Sunnah focused practice of Islam, and it might encourage Muslims to look beyond traditional sectarian divisions. However, the speaker’s criticism of established practices and leadership may be met with resistance from those within those traditional systems. The speaker intends to encourage followers of these paths to reevaluate some of their beliefs and practices, but also to treat other Muslims with respect regardless of their sect.

    Conclusion:

    This public session provides a detailed and nuanced commentary on a specific conflict within the Tablighi Jamaat while touching on wider issues of sectarianism and correct Islamic practice. The speaker advocates for reform, tolerance, and a return to the primary sources of Islam in the interest of creating a unified and more tolerant Muslim community. The message is powerful, but is likely to be controversial.

    The Tablighi Jamaat: Division and Disunity

    Frequently Asked Questions

    • What is the Tablighi Jamaat and what are its main activities?
    • The Tablighi Jamaat is a large, international Islamic organization that originated in India around 1926. It focuses on encouraging Muslims to adhere to basic Islamic practices like prayer, ablution, and reading the Quran. They are known for their door-to-door preaching efforts, often traveling from village to village, mosque to mosque, promoting these fundamentals. The organization emphasizes personal sacrifice and religious devotion among its members, who often fund their missionary activities from their own pockets. It is also noteworthy for its large gatherings, particularly in Tongi, Bangladesh, near Lahore, Pakistan, and at Nizamuddin, in Delhi, India. They have centers established in roughly 170 countries and are considered to be the largest organization in the Muslim world.
    • Why has the Tablighi Jamaat recently been in the news?
    • The Tablighi Jamaat has experienced significant internal conflict and division in recent years, stemming from disagreements over leadership and the methodology of preaching. This has led to the formation of two main factions: one aligned with the “building system” (construction and management of centers), and the other focused on the “Shura” (consultative council). These divisions have manifested in clashes, most notably at their annual gathering in Bangladesh on December 18, 2024, resulting in deaths and injuries. The accusations flying between the factions are also a factor in the media coverage, with each side accusing the other of various wrongdoings.
    • What are the main points of contention between the two factions within the Tablighi Jamaat?
    • The core of the conflict involves disputes over leadership succession following the death of previous leaders. This culminated in Maulana Saad Kandhalvi unilaterally declaring himself Amir (leader) in 2016, leading to a split from the Shura council, the original group. The original Shura group felt that the 10 member Shura should have selected a new amir as decided in 1993. This resulted in each faction declaring the other’s mosques to be illegitimate, while accusations of betrayal and even foreign influence (Indian Agent), are common in the videos uploaded by the different factions. The factions differ also on the usage of specific books, for instance, Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s faction no longer endorses “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity,” which have been sources of controversy.
    • What is the significance of the books “Virtues of Deeds” and “Virtues of Charity” and why are they now controversial?
    • These books, authored by Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi, have historically been a part of the Tablighi Jamaat’s curriculum. However, they have come under criticism for containing narratives and stories perceived as fantastical, and for promoting ideas associated with Sufi practices and beliefs. Some critics, including Maulana Tariq Jameel, have argued that these narratives are not grounded in the Qur’an or the Sunnah. It’s also important to note that the authorship of these texts has been a factor, as the books are from the father of Maulana Saad Kanlavi, who was in the party of Sufism and Peri Muridi. This is why Saad Kandhalvi banned the books.
    • How does the Tablighi Jamaat relate to the broader historical conflict between the Deobandi and Barelvi schools of thought?
    • The Tablighi Jamaat is rooted in the Deobandi school of thought, which emerged as a reaction against certain Sufi practices and beliefs. The Deobandi school originated with the establishment of the Deoband Madrasa. This madrasa was formed because its scholars began to differ from Sufi thought, specifically taking aspects from the Ahl al-Hadith school. The Barelvi school of thought, in response, arose in 1904 in opposition to the Deobandi school and their deviations from Sufi thought. This led to a long-standing theological and cultural conflict between these two schools, with each side accusing the other of being outside the fold of Islam. This history of sectarianism affects how each faction within the Tablighi Jamaat views the other.
    • How does the speaker view the role of sectarianism in Islam?
    • The speaker views sectarianism as a detrimental force in Islam, believing it to be a curse. He argues that divisions and sects are a violation of the Qur’anic injunction to “hold fast to the rope of Allah and do not be divided into sects”. He believes the constant infighting and accusations of disbelief that each sect throws at each other creates disunity. He stresses that Muslims should primarily adhere to the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad and avoid creating sects. He further asserts that each group thinks that their way is right, and because of that, it is easy for that group to deem all other groups are on the path to hell. He supports a more tolerant approach to differences in practice, where groups should focus on constructive scholarly criticism rather than outright denouncement.
    • What is the speaker’s position on following the Qur’an and the Sunnah?
    • The speaker strongly emphasizes that the Qur’an and the Sunnah are the primary sources of guidance for Muslims. He maintains that the method for the prayer was not described in the Quran, and therefore must come from the Sunnah and its related Hadiths. He argues that adherence to these sources will prevent Muslims from going astray, as the Prophet’s final instructions centered around these two things. He also stresses the importance of understanding the Qur’an rather than simply reciting it without comprehension. He highlights a hadith in which the Prophet (PBUH) states the best book of Allah is the Book of Allah, and the best path is that of Muhammad, and that any new actions in religion are considered heresies and will lead to hell.
    • What is the significance of the Hadith of Ghadeer Khum, and what does it tell us about the two things the Prophet left behind?

    The speaker considers the Hadith of Ghadeer Khum to be of the highest importance. It details the Prophet, peace be upon him, declaring that he was leaving behind two weighty things for his followers: the Qur’an and his Ahl al-Bayt (his family). This is considered an important hadith because the Quran is not just a book, but rather “The Rope of Allah”, that if followed closely, will keep one from going astray. The Hadith goes on to say that the Prophet (PBUH) implores his followers to treat the Ahl al-Bayt well. The speaker believes that this hadith shows the significance of the Qur’an and also the importance of respecting the Prophet’s family. He argues that the Muslim Ummah has failed to uphold either of these.

    The Tablighi Jamaat Schism

    Okay, here’s the timeline and cast of characters based on the provided text:

    Timeline of Events

    • 1904: Madrasah Manzarul Islam Barelwi is built, marking the formal establishment of the Barelvi sect.
    • 1905:Five Fatwas of infidelity (Hussam al-Haramayin) are issued against Deobandi scholars by Barelvi scholars.
    • Einstein publishes his Special Theory of Relativity, while the Deobandi-Barelvi conflict escalates.
    • Deobandi scholars write Al-Muhand Ali Al-Mufand in response to accusations of infidelity, but these are not accepted by the Barelvis.
    • 1926: Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi starts the work of Tablighi Jamaat in Mewat, initially focused on educating Muslims.
    • 1944: Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi dies.
    • 1965: Maulana Yusuf Kandhalvi, Ilyas’s son, dies at the age of 48 after serving as Amir for 21 years; he wrote Hayat al-Sahaba.
    • 1965: Instead of Yusuf’s son, Haroon, Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi appoints his son-in-law, Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi, as the Amir of Tablighi Jamaat.
    • 1981: Dawat-e-Islami is formed by Barelvi scholars, with access to existing Barelvi mosques.
    • 1993: Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi forms a ten-member council to choose a successor as Amir.
    • 1995: Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi dies; the ten-member council fails to choose a new Amir, and the leadership falls to the council.
    • 2007: The speaker of the text attends the Tablighi Jamaat gathering at Raiwind on 2nd November.
    • 2008: The speaker moves towards Ahl al-Hadith beliefs.
    • 2009: The speaker starts to understand issues of sectarianism
    • 2010: The speaker starts regular video recordings of Quran classes in October.
    • March 2014: Maulana Zubair Al Hasan, a member of the Shura council, dies.
    • November 2015:Meeting of the Tablighi Jamaat in Raiwand.
    • Haji Abdul Wahab adds 11 new members to the shura, making a total of 13, and Maulana Saad Kandhalvi is named as one of the two most senior.
    • Maulana Saad Kandhalvi refuses to sign the document with the 13 members.
    • June 2016: Maulana Saad Kandhalvi declares himself the Amir of the Tablighi Jamaat, sparking a split within the organization. He expelled members of the other side from the Nizamuddin mosque in Delhi.
    • December 1, 2018: A clash occurs between the two factions of the Tablighi Jamaat in Bangladesh.
    • November 18, 2018: Haji Abdul Wahab dies.
    • December 18, 2024: Violent clashes in Bangladesh between the two Tablighi Jamaat groups result in 5 deaths and over 100 injuries. This event causes the speaker of the text to discuss the history of Tablighi Jamaat in public.
    • December 29, 2024: The speaker gives public session number 179, discussing these events.

    Cast of Characters

    • Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi: Founder of the Tablighi Jamaat in 1926. He focused on educating Muslims and his work spread quickly. He died in 1944.
    • Maulana Yusuf Kandhalvi: Son of Ilyas Kandhalvi; the second Amir of Tablighi Jamaat. Served for 21 years, wrote Hayat al-Sahaba. Died at the age of 48 in 1965.
    • Maulana Haroon Kandhalvi: Son of Yusuf Kandhalvi, not chosen as the next Amir of Tablighi Jamaat after his father’s death.
    • Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi: Nephew of Ilyas Kandhalvi and cousin of Yusuf Kandhalvi. Chose his son-in-law as Amir instead of Yusuf’s son. Wrote Virtues of Actions, Virtues of Hajj, Virtues of Durood and Virtues of Charity.
    • Maulana Inamul Hasan Kandhalvi: Son-in-law of Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi; the third Amir of Tablighi Jamaat, serving for 30 years (1965-1995). Established the ten-member council.
    • Maulana Saad Kandhalvi: A descendant of Ilyas Kandhalvi who declared himself the Amir in 2016, leading to the current split within the Tablighi Jamaat. He leads the faction based at the Nizamuddin center in India and has banned some Tablighi books.
    • Haji Abdul Wahab: A senior member of the Tablighi Jamaat Shura (council) and teacher. He was with Ilyas Kandhalvi in 1926. Attempted to make peace between the groups in 2016 before passing away in 2018.
    • Maulana Zubair Al Hasan: Member of the ten-member Shura, who died in March 2014.
    • Rashid Ahmed Gangui, Ashraf Ali Thanvi, and Ismail Ambeti: Deobandi scholars who were targets of the Fatwas of infidelity from the Barelvis in 1905.
    • Khalil Ahmad Saharanpuri: Deobandi scholar who wrote Al-Muhand Ali Al-Mufand in response to accusations of infidelity from the Barelvis in 1905.
    • Imam Nabawi: Author of Riyad al-Saliheen, a widely read hadith book.
    • Maulana Tariq Jameel: A contemporary religious scholar who has criticized some of the traditional stories found in Tablighi books.
    • Imam Ahmed Barelvi: Founder of the Barelvi sect.
    • Ibn Abidin al-Shami: A scholar from 1252 A.H. who gave a blasphemous fatwa about Surah Al-Fatiha. Deobandi scholars cite him with respect.
    • Imam Abu Hanifa: Founder of the Hanafi school of law, whose opinions are followed by both Deobandis and Barelvis.
    • Sheikh Ahmad Sarandi (Mujaddid al-Thani): Declared himself a Mujaddid and claimed that if a prophet was to come to the Ummah, he would follow Hanafi law.
    • Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani: A respected Sufi figure. Author of Ghaniya Talibeen.
    • Imam al-Ghazali: A respected Sufi figure who lived from 505 – 506 Hijri.
    • Maulana Ilyas Qadri: Leader of the Dawat-e-Islami movement.
    • Maulana Ilyas: Leader of a small Tablighi Jamaat of Ahl al-Hadith.
    • Engineer (Speaker of the text): The speaker of the text who describes the history of the Tablighi Jamaat and Islamic sectarianism. He considers all the sects to be Muslim.
    • Qazi Shur: A judge of Kufa who wrote a letter to Hazrat Umar about issues of Ijtihad.
    • Imam Ibn Al-Mazar: Author of Kitab al-Ijma, a book on the consensus of Islamic scholars.
    • Zayd Ibn Arqam: Narrator of the hadith of Ghadeer Khum.
    • Hazrat Umar: Companion of the Prophet, second Caliph.
    • Hazrat Abu Bakr: Companion of the Prophet, first Caliph.
    • Mufti Amjad Ali: Author of Bhar Shariat.
    • Syed Farman Ali Shah: Whose translation is used for the Deobandis.
    • Gulam Ahmad Qadiani: The person who formed the Qadiani movement.

    This detailed breakdown should provide a solid understanding of the key events and figures discussed in the text. Let me know if you have any other questions!

    The Tablighi Jamaat Schism

    The Tablighi Jamaat, a Deobandi sect, has experienced a significant split in recent years, leading to internal conflict and division [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects of this schism based on the provided sources:

    Origins and Early Growth:

    • The Tablighi Jamaat was started by Ilyas Kandhalvi, with the goal of teaching basic Islamic practices [1, 3].
    • It became a large organization with centers established in 170 countries [3].
    • The Jamaat is known for its commitment to preaching and personal sacrifice, with members often using their own money to travel and spread their message [3].
    • They focus on teaching basic practices like ablution and prayer, and their work is considered effective [3].

    The Split:

    • Internal Division: Over the last nine years, the Tablighi Jamaat has been divided into two groups: one focused on the building system and the other on the Shura (council) [1].
    • Public Disagreement: This division became very public in December 2024 during the annual gathering in Tongi, Bangladesh, when clashes between the two factions resulted in casualties [1, 4].
    • Accusations: The two groups have engaged in mutual accusations. The Shura group, based in Raiwind (Pakistan), has accused Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s group of being Indian agents [4]. Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s group is referred to as “Saadiani” by the other group, which is a derogatory term that sounds similar to “Qadiani,” a group considered heretical by many Muslims [2].
    • Centers of Division: The split is evident in different centers globally. The main centers are in Tongi (Bangladesh), Raiwind (Pakistan), and Nizamuddin (India), with the Nizamuddin center being associated with Maulana Saad Kandhalvi [1, 4].
    • Leadership Dispute: The conflict is rooted in a disagreement over leadership succession following the death of Maulana Inamul Hasan in 1995. A ten-member council was supposed to choose a new leader, but this did not happen [5, 6]. In 2016, Maulana Saad Kandhalvi declared himself the Amir (leader), which was not accepted by the Shura [6].

    Key Figures and Their Roles:

    • Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi: Founder of Tablighi Jamaat [1, 7]. He passed away in 1944 [7].
    • Yusuf Kandhalvi: Son of Ilyas Kandhalvi, who served as Amir for 21 years and died in 1965 [8].
    • Maulana Haroon Kandhalvi: Son of Yusuf Kandhalvi, who was not chosen as the next Amir [5, 8].
    • Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi: A nephew of Maulana Ilyas Kandhalvi and cousin of Yusuf Kandhalvi. He chose his son-in-law, Maulana Inamul Hasan, as Amir instead of Maulana Haroon Kandhalvi [5]. He wrote the book Virtues of Deeds, which is now not read by the group led by Maulana Saad Kandhalvi [3, 9].
    • Maulana Inamul Hasan: Son-in-law of Sheikh Zakaria Kandhalvi, who served as Amir for 30 years (1965-1995) [5].
    • Maulana Saad Kandhalvi: A descendant of Ilyas Kandhalvi and the leader of one of the two factions. He is in charge of the Nizamuddin center in India [10].
    • Haji Abdul Wahab: A senior member of the Shura who opposed Maulana Saad Kandhalvi’s claim to leadership [6, 10]. He died in 2018 [10].

    Impact of the Split:

    • Clashes and Casualties: The dispute has resulted in physical clashes and casualties [4, 11].
    • Division of Followers: The majority of the Tablighi Jamaat is with the Shura group centered in Raiwind [10]. The common members of the Tablighi Jamaat are not fully aware of the split [12].
    • Accusations of Sectarianism: The conflict is seen as part of a broader issue of sectarianism within Islam [11].

    Underlying Issues:

    • Sectarian Tensions: The split is partly due to long-standing tensions between Deobandi and Barelvi sects. The speaker mentions that he hated the Tablighi Jamaat when he was younger because they belonged to the Deobandi sect [2].
    • Controversial Books: The group led by Maulana Saad Kandhalvi no longer uses books like Virtues of Deeds, which is considered controversial [3, 9].
    • Leadership Disputes: A major issue is the lack of clear succession process within the Tablighi Jamaat [5].

    In conclusion, the Tablighi Jamaat’s split is a complex issue involving leadership disputes, sectarian tensions, and disagreements over practices. The division has led to physical conflict and has caused concern among Muslims [3, 4].

    Sectarianism in Islam

    Sectarianism within Islam is a significant issue, characterized by divisions and conflicts among different groups [1, 2]. The sources highlight several aspects of this problem, including its historical roots, its impact on Muslim communities, and the different perspectives on it [3-5].

    Historical Roots of Sectarianism

    • Early Divisions: The sources suggest that the seeds of sectarianism were sown early in Islamic history [6].
    • After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, political disagreements led to the emergence of the Sunni and Shia sects [6].
    • The rise of different schools of thought (madhhabs) also contributed to the divisions, although they initially did not cause as much conflict [3].
    • Deobandi and Barelvi: A major split occurred with the emergence of the Deobandi and Barelvi sects in the Indian subcontinent. These two groups, both Sunni and Hanafi, developed from differing views on Sufi thought and Ahl al-Hadith teachings [3, 4].
    • The establishment of the Deoband Madrasa and the Barelvi Madrasa further solidified this division [3].
    • These groups have a long history of disagreement and conflict, with each not accepting the other as true Muslims [3].

    Manifestations of Sectarianism

    • Mutual Condemnation: The different sects often accuse each other of being misguided or even outside the fold of Islam [3, 7].
    • The Barelvi’s issued fatwas of infidelity against Deobandi scholars [4].
    • The Deobandis and Barelvis are not ready to accept the other as Muslim [3].
    • Accusations and derogatory terms are used against each other, such as “Saadiani” to describe followers of Maulana Saad Kandhalvi, which is a word that is meant to sound like “Qadiani,” a group considered heretical [3, 8].
    • Physical Conflict: Sectarian tensions have sometimes resulted in physical violence, as seen in the clashes within the Tablighi Jamaat [2, 8].
    • Members of one group of Tablighi Jamaat attacked members of another group, resulting in deaths and injuries [8].
    • Mosques are sometimes declared as “Masjid Darar,” (a mosque of the hypocrites) by opposing groups [9].
    • Intolerance: The sources suggest that sectarianism leads to intolerance and a lack of respect for different views within the Muslim community [7, 10].
    • Sectarian groups are more focused on defending their own positions and attacking others [7].
    • This is demonstrated by the practice of some groups of throwing away prayer rugs of other groups in mosques [2, 9].

    Different Perspectives on Sectarianism

    • Sectarian Identity: Each sect often views itself as the sole possessor of truth, with the other groups being misguided [7].
    • Ahl al-Hadith consider themselves to be on the path of tawheed (oneness of God) [7].
    • Barelvis see themselves as the “contractors of Ishq Rasool” (love of the Prophet) [7].
    • Deobandis claim to defend the Companions of the Prophet, although they will not discuss aspects of their history that do not support their point of view [7].
    • The Quran’s View: The sources emphasize that the Quran condemns sectarianism and division [5].
    • The Quran urges Muslims to hold fast to the “rope of Allah” and not to divide into sects [5].
    • The Quran states that those who create sects have nothing to do with the Messenger of Allah [5].
    • Critique of Sectarianism: The speaker in the sources critiques sectarianism, arguing that it is a curse and that all sects should be considered as Muslims [2].
    • He suggests that unity should be based on scholarly discussion, rather than on forming exclusive groups [10].
    • He also believes that groups often focus on their own particularities, while ignoring the foundational values of Islam. [7]
    • The speaker says that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; it is the fault of the followers of the Imams [6].

    The Role of the Quran and Sunnah

    • The Straight Path: The sources highlight the importance of following the Quran and the Sunnah (Prophet’s practices) as the “straight path” [11, 12].
    • This path is contrasted with the “crooked lines” of sectarianism and division [11].
    • The sources argue that the Quran and the Sunnah are the core sources of guidance [13, 14].
    • Interpretation: Differences often arise from the interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah, which are used to justify sectarian differences. [15]
    • Each sect has its own translation of the Quran, leading to varying understandings [16].
    • Some groups emphasize adherence to specific interpretations of religious texts and actions, often based on the teachings of their own scholars, rather than focusing on the core teachings of Islam [15].

    Conclusion Sectarianism in Islam is a complex and multifaceted issue with historical, theological, and social dimensions [5]. The sources highlight that sectarianism leads to division, conflict, and intolerance within the Muslim community [1, 2, 7]. They call for a return to the core principles of Islam, as found in the Quran and Sunnah, and for mutual respect and tolerance among all Muslims [5, 10, 11]. The sources emphasize that the Quran condemns sectarianism and that the true path is one of unity based on shared faith and not sectarian identity [5, 11, 12].

    Islamic Jurisprudence: Sources, Schools, and Sectarianism

    Islamic jurisprudence, or fiqh, is a complex system of legal and ethical principles derived from the Quran and the Sunnah (the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). The sources discuss several key aspects of Islamic jurisprudence, particularly how it relates to different interpretations and practices within Islam.

    Core Sources of Islamic Jurisprudence:

    • The Quran is considered the primary source of guidance and law [1, 2].
    • It is regarded as the direct word of God and is the ultimate authority in Islam.
    • Muslims are urged to hold fast to the Quran as a source of unity and guidance [3].
    • The Sunnah, which encompasses the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, is the second most important source [2, 4, 5].
    • The Sunnah provides practical examples of how to implement the teachings of the Quran [2].
    • It is transmitted through hadiths, which are reports of the Prophet’s words and actions [2, 4].
    • Ijma (consensus of the Muslim scholars) is another source of Islamic jurisprudence [6].
    • It represents the collective understanding of Islamic law by qualified scholars.
    • The sources mention that the ummah will never agree on misguidance [6].
    • Ijtihad (independent legal reasoning) is the process by which qualified scholars derive new laws based on the Quran and the Sunnah when there is no clear guidance in the primary sources [6].
    • Ijtihad allows for the application of Islamic principles to new situations and circumstances [6].
    • The sources point out that the door of ijtihad is open until the Day of Resurrection [1].

    Schools of Thought (Madhhabs):

    • The sources mention different schools of thought, or madhhabs, within Sunni Islam, including the Hanafi, Shafi’i, Maliki and Hanbali schools [7, 8].
    • These schools developed as scholars interpreted and applied the Quran and Sunnah differently.
    • The speaker indicates that these different Imams did not spread sectarianism, but their followers did [8, 9].
    • The Hanafi school is particularly mentioned, as it is the school of jurisprudence followed by Deobandis, Barelvis, and even Qadianis [7, 10].
    • The sources note that there is no mention in the Quran or Sunnah that Muslims must follow one of these particular schools of thought [8, 11].
    • It is said that the four imams had their own expert opinions [8].
    • The Imams themselves said that if they say anything that is against the Quran and Sunnah, then their words should be left [9].

    Points of Jurisprudential Disagreement:

    • The sources discuss disagreements over specific practices, like Rafa al-Yadain (raising the hands during prayer), which is practiced by those who follow the hadiths from Bukhari and Muslim, but not by Hanafis [12].
    • The speaker in the source says that he follows the method of prayer from Bukhari and Muslim [10].
    • Hanafis, in contrast, do not perform Rafa al-Yadain [10, 12].
    • The sources indicate that different groups within Islam have varying interpretations of what constitutes proper Islamic practice [12].
    • For instance, some groups emphasize the importance of specific rituals, while others focus on different aspects of faith [13].
    • The source suggests that sectarianism arises because each sect has its own interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah [5].
    • Differences in jurisprudence are often related to different understandings of what is considered Sunnah [12].
    • The speaker points out that there are different types of Sunnah [12].
    • The practice of kissing the thumbs is also a point of difference. The Barelvis kiss their thumbs, while the Deobandis do not. The source explains that this is a point of disagreement even within Hanafi jurisprudence [14].
    • The speaker also says that both are incorrect in light of the Quran and Sunnah [14].

    Ijtihad and Modern Issues

    • The source states that the door of Ijtihad remains open until the Day of Judgment and that it is a beauty of Islam that allows people in different locations to address issues that are not directly covered in the Quran and Sunnah [1].
    • Ijtihad is considered necessary to address contemporary issues that did not exist at the time of the Prophet, such as those related to technology or modern life [1, 6].
    • Examples include issues of blood donation, praying in airplanes, and other contemporary matters [6].
    • The need for ijtihad allows the religion to remain relevant across time and cultures.
    • The sources mention that the scope of Ijtihad is limited to issues on which there is no consensus, and it does not contradict the Quran or Sunnah [1, 6].
    • The source says that Ijtihad should be performed by a wise person who is familiar with the proper process [6].

    Emphasis on the Quran and Sunnah

    • The sources consistently emphasize the importance of the Quran and Sunnah as the primary sources for guidance [1, 2, 5].
    • It states that all actions must be in accordance with the Quran and Sunnah [1].
    • The Prophet emphasized the importance of holding fast to the Quran and Sunnah [2].
    • The source indicates that the Quran and Sunnah should be considered the main source of information about religion [11].
    • The speaker indicates that the Sunnah is essential for understanding and practicing Islam. The method of prayer is not described in the Quran, but comes from the Sunnah [2].

    The Problem of Sectarianism and Jurisprudence

    • The source also suggests that sectarianism is a result of differences in jurisprudential interpretations and an over-emphasis on the opinions of specific scholars and imams [9, 13].
    • The speaker emphasizes that sectarianism is a curse and that Muslims should avoid it [3, 7].
    • He stresses the importance of focusing on the core values of the Quran and Sunnah.
    • He also suggests that each group should engage in intellectual discussion and not condemn others [3, 13].
    • He states that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; the fault is with their followers [8, 9].

    In summary, Islamic jurisprudence is a rich and complex system based on the Quran and the Sunnah, which is interpreted and applied through Ijma and Ijtihad. The sources show how this process has led to different schools of thought and varying interpretations of Islamic law and practice. While there is space for scholarly disagreement and the need to address contemporary issues, the sources also emphasize the need to avoid sectarianism and adhere to the core principles of the Quran and Sunnah.

    Quranic Interpretation and Sectarianism

    Quranic interpretation, or tafsir, is a crucial aspect of Islamic scholarship, involving the explanation and understanding of the Quran’s verses [1]. The sources discuss how different approaches to Quranic interpretation have contributed to sectarianism and varying understandings of Islam.

    Importance of the Quran:

    • The Quran is considered the direct word of God and the primary source of guidance in Islam [2, 3].
    • The sources emphasize the Quran as a source of unity, urging Muslims to hold fast to it [4].
    • It is considered a complete guide for humanity [5].
    • The Quran is the ultimate authority, and the Sunnah explains how to implement the Quranic teachings [3].

    Challenges in Quranic Interpretation:

    • The sources point out that differences in interpretation of the Quran are a major source of sectarianism [1, 5].
    • Each sect often has its own translation of the Quran, leading to varying understandings and disputes [1].
    • Some groups emphasize the literal reading of the Quran and Sunnah, while others focus on more metaphorical or contextual interpretations [1, 6, 7].
    • The Quran was meant to end differences between people, not create them. [1].

    The Role of the Sunnah:

    • The Sunnah, which encompasses the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, is essential for understanding and practicing Islam [3].
    • The method of prayer, for example, is not fully described in the Quran, but comes from the Sunnah [3].
    • The sources emphasize that the Sunnah is a necessary complement to the Quran, clarifying and elaborating on its teachings [3].
    • Both the Quran and the Sunnah should be followed as sources of guidance [3].

    The Problem of Sectarian Interpretations

    • The sources criticize the tendency of some groups to prioritize their own interpretations and traditions over the core message of the Quran [8].
    • Sectarian groups often consider their own interpretations as the only correct ones.
    • The speaker in the source notes that many Muslims read the Quran in Arabic without understanding its meaning, leading to misinterpretations and manipulations by religious leaders [1, 5].
    • Some groups emphasize the teachings of their own scholars and imams, while ignoring the core teachings of Islam from the Quran and Sunnah [8-10].
    • The source suggests that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; it is the fault of their followers [2, 11].
    • Sectarian interpretations of the Quran are seen as a deviation from the intended purpose of the scripture. [9]
    • Some groups reject valid hadith and only accept the teachings of their own imams, even when the imams’ teachings are not based on the Quran and Sunnah [12].

    The Correct Approach to Interpretation

    • The speaker emphasizes the importance of directly engaging with the Quran and Sunnah rather than relying on interpretations of religious clerics or scholars [10].
    • The sources suggest that the Quran is meant to be understood, not just recited without comprehension [1, 5].
    • There is a call for a return to the core principles of the Quran and Sunnah, without sectarian biases [3].
    • The sources suggest that scholarly discussion and intellectual engagement, rather than dogmatic adherence to specific interpretations, are necessary for proper understanding [9].
    • The sources refer to a hadith that calls for the community to refer to the Quran and Sunnah when there is a dispute [3, 13].
    • The speaker believes that the Quran is meant to unite people, not divide them [1].

    Historical Context and the Quran

    • The sources also suggest that the Quran must be understood in its historical context.
    • The speaker explains that the Quran was meant to be a guide for all people and that Muslims should not be like those who recite it without understanding [1].

    Ijtihad and Interpretation

    • The sources also touch on the role of ijtihad, or independent reasoning, in interpreting the Quran.
    • Ijtihad is used to interpret Islamic law when there is no direct guidance in the Quran or Sunnah [14].
    • The door of ijtihad is open until the Day of Judgment to address contemporary issues that did not exist at the time of the Prophet [15].
    • Ijtihad should be performed by a qualified scholar and should not contradict the Quran or Sunnah [14].

    In summary, Quranic interpretation is a critical aspect of Islamic practice, but it is also a source of sectarianism due to differences in how the text is understood. The sources call for a return to the Quran and Sunnah, and for direct engagement with the scripture, as well as an understanding of its original historical context. The sources emphasize the importance of using both the Quran and the Sunnah as guides and stress that the Quran is meant to be understood and not simply recited, while discouraging reliance on specific interpretations of religious clerics and scholars, in order to avoid sectarianism.

    Islamic Unity: Challenges and Pathways

    Religious unity is a significant theme in the sources, particularly in the context of Islam, where sectarianism and division are identified as major challenges. The sources emphasize the importance of the Quran and Sunnah as unifying forces, while also discussing the obstacles to achieving true unity among Muslims.

    Core Principles for Unity

    • The Quran is presented as the primary source of unity [1]. It is considered the direct word of God and the ultimate authority in Islam [2, 3].
    • Muslims are urged to hold fast to the Quran as a source of guidance and unity [1].
    • The Quran is meant to end differences between people, not create them [4].
    • The Sunnah, the teachings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, is also crucial for unity [3].
    • The Sunnah is a necessary complement to the Quran, clarifying and elaborating on its teachings [3].
    • Both the Quran and the Sunnah should be followed as sources of guidance [3].
    • The concept of Ijma (consensus of Muslim scholars) is also mentioned as a source of unity, representing the collective understanding of Islamic law [5].
    • The sources state that the ummah will never agree on misguidance [5].
    • The sources emphasize that all Muslims are brothers and sisters and that they should respect each other [1, 6].

    Obstacles to Unity

    • Sectarianism is identified as a major obstacle to religious unity [1].
    • The sources note that sectarianism arises from differences in interpretations of the Quran and Sunnah, as well as from the overemphasis on the opinions of specific scholars [1, 7].
    • Each sect often has its own translation of the Quran, leading to varying understandings and disputes [4].
    • The sources criticize the tendency of some groups to prioritize their own interpretations and traditions over the core message of the Quran [8].
    • The speaker emphasizes that sectarianism is a curse and that Muslims should avoid it [1, 6].
    • The sources suggest that many Muslims read the Quran in Arabic without understanding its meaning, leading to misinterpretations and manipulations by religious leaders [4, 9].
    • Blind adherence to the opinions of religious clerics and scholars is also seen as a cause of disunity [4, 10].
    • The source suggests that the Imams did not spread sectarianism; it is the fault of their followers [1, 7, 11-13].
    • Internal conflicts and disputes within religious groups further exacerbate the problem [14].
    • The sources describe how disagreements within the Tablighi Jamaat led to its division into two factions, resulting in violence and animosity [2, 6, 12, 14, 15].
    • The sources also mention historical events, such as the conflict between the Deobandis and Barelvis and the Sunni and Shia split, as examples of how political and theological disagreements can lead to division [11, 16, 17].

    Pathways to Unity

    • The sources stress the importance of focusing on the core values of the Quran and Sunnah, rather than getting caught up in sectarian differences [1, 3, 5, 18].
    • Muslims should engage directly with the Quran and Sunnah, rather than relying on interpretations of religious clerics or scholars [4, 10].
    • Intellectual discussion and engagement, rather than condemnation of others, are necessary for proper understanding [8, 12].
    • The source suggests that each group should engage in intellectual discussion and not condemn others [12].
    • The sources emphasize the importance of tolerance and mutual respect among different groups [8, 11, 14].
    • Muslims should avoid labeling others as “hell-bound” [8].
    • The sources suggest that a recognition of the diversity of interpretations is necessary [8, 12].
    • The source states that the ummah cannot come together on one platform and that it should give space to everyone [12].
    • The sources point to the need for Ijtihad to address contemporary issues, which may contribute to a sense of shared understanding and engagement with faith in modern contexts [5, 19].
    • The source notes that the door of ijtihad is open until the Day of Judgment and that it is a beauty of Islam that allows people in different locations to address issues that are not directly covered in the Quran and Sunnah [5, 19].

    Emphasis on Shared Humanity

    • The sources highlight the importance of recognizing the shared humanity of all people and avoiding sectarianism and prejudice.
    • The source states that there is no prophet after the Prophet Muhammad and that Muslims should focus on the Quran and Sunnah [12].
    • The speaker emphasizes that despite differences in interpretation, all sects of Islam are considered Muslim [8].
    • The goal should be to foster unity based on the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah, while respecting the diversity of perspectives [12].

    In conclusion, the sources present a complex view of religious unity, acknowledging both the unifying potential of the Quran and Sunnah, and the divisive forces of sectarianism and misinterpretations. The path to unity, according to the sources, lies in a return to the core principles of Islam, fostering intellectual engagement, and promoting tolerance and mutual respect, while avoiding sectarianism and prejudice.

    By Amjad Izhar
    Contact: amjad.izhar@gmail.com
    https://amjadizhar.blog

  • Para Chinar Crisis: Sectarian Violence and the Path to Peace – Study Notes

    Para Chinar Crisis: Sectarian Violence and the Path to Peace – Study Notes

    The text describes a severe crisis in Para Chinar, a border region, where a road closure following a massacre has cut off essential supplies, causing suffering and death. The situation is rooted in long-standing sectarian tensions between Shias and Sunnis, exacerbated by historical grievances and political manipulation dating back to the Zia-ul-Haq regime. A key figure is Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani, whose legacy and organization continue to play a role in mediating conflict. The author advocates for peace through dialogue and cooperation between Shia and Sunni leaders, criticizing a pattern of government-sponsored repression of the Shia community. Ultimately, the text calls for a peaceful resolution to prevent further bloodshed and suffering in Para Chinar.

    Para Chinar Conflict: A Study Guide

    Quiz

    Instructions: Answer each question in 2-3 sentences.

    1. What triggered the recent violence in Para Chinar, and what was the immediate result of the event?
    2. What is the significance of the road closures affecting Para Chinar, and why are they particularly detrimental?
    3. How did General Zia-ul-Haq contribute to the sectarian tensions in Pakistan?
    4. How did General Zia-ul-Haq’s policies impact the Deobandi sect, and what were the consequences of this policy?
    5. What was the initial reaction to the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi by the Shia population in Pakistan?
    6. Describe the role of Mufti Jafar Hussain in the Shia resistance movement against Fiqh Hanafi.
    7. What was the outcome of the Shia sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad during General Zia-ul-Haq’s rule?
    8. What was the Pakistani government’s response to the Shia protest against the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi?
    9. According to the source, how are current government policies in Para Chinar reminiscent of the policies enacted by Zia-ul-Haq?
    10. What specific solutions does the speaker propose to resolve the ongoing conflict in Para Chinar?

    Quiz Answer Key

    1. A rumor spread that Shias were killed near a tomb, which was proven false. This rumor led to the brutal murder of Ahle Sunnat individuals in a caravan, who were innocent civilians.
    2. The road closures are a blockade preventing essential goods like food and medicine from reaching Para Chinar. This is detrimental because it is causing a humanitarian crisis and resulting in unnecessary deaths.
    3. General Zia-ul-Haq created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba and MQM, which he used to suppress political opposition and sow divisions between religious sects in Pakistan.
    4. Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect because they were prominent in the Afghan Jihad. As a result, they gained control of many mosques previously belonging to the Barelvi and Shia sects.
    5. The Shia population strongly opposed the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi, leading to a national movement for Shia rights. The movement aimed at defending their religious rights and identity.
    6. Mufti Jafar Hussain became the leader (Qaid) of the Shia community and successfully led a resistance movement. He played an important role in organizing the Shia community against Zia-ul-Haq’s policies.
    7. The Shia sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad, which lasted three days, resulted in the government accepting their demands and avoiding the implementation of Fiqh Hanafi.
    8. The government responded to the Shia protests by attempting to curtail the influence of the Shia and marginalize them by the creation of Sipah Sahaba. This group was given resources and power to control the Shia population.
    9. Government policies in Para Chinar, such as closing off roads and targeting specific individuals, are seen as a repetition of Zia-ul-Haq’s strategy of punishing the Shia community for demanding their rights.
    10. The speaker proposes that the government engage the Shia leadership in Para Chinar, especially Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi, to foster dialogue, and to create a mechanism where each sect punishes their own criminals.

    Essay Questions

    1. Analyze the impact of General Zia-ul-Haq’s policies on the religious landscape of Pakistan, particularly in relation to the Shia and Sunni communities. How did his actions lead to the sectarian tensions described in the source?
    2. Compare and contrast the leadership styles of Mufti Jafar Hussain and Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi. How do their approaches reflect the different challenges faced by the Shia community during their respective eras?
    3. Discuss the effectiveness of the strategies employed by the Shia community in Pakistan to advocate for their rights. How did their protests and sit-ins affect government policies, and what long-term consequences resulted?
    4. Evaluate the speaker’s proposed solutions for the Para Chinar conflict. Are these recommendations practical and likely to succeed? What alternative approaches might be more effective?
    5. Explore the role of social media and rumor-spreading in exacerbating sectarian tensions in Para Chinar. How do these phenomena contribute to violence, and what steps can be taken to mitigate their negative impacts?

    Glossary

    • Ahle Sunnat: A term referring to the Sunni branch of Islam.
    • Shia: A major branch of Islam, distinct from Sunni Islam.
    • Para Chinar: A town located near the border of Afghanistan that has been the site of sectarian violence.
    • Deobandi: A Sunni Islamic revivalist movement.
    • Barelvi: A Sunni Islamic movement, often seen as more traditional.
    • Sipah Sahaba: A militant organization formed in Pakistan that is associated with sectarian violence.
    • MQM: A political party in Pakistan, often associated with urban areas and conflicts.
    • Fiqh Hanafi: A Sunni Islamic school of jurisprudence or law.
    • Fiqh Ja’faria: The school of Islamic law followed by Shia Muslims.
    • Zakat: A compulsory form of charity in Islam.
    • Muharram: The first month of the Islamic calendar.
    • Rabiul Awwal: The third month of the Islamic calendar
    • Nizam Mustafa: A slogan promoting the implementation of Islamic law in Pakistan.
    • Markaz: A center or focal point, often used in a religious or organizational context.
    • Anjuman Hussainia: A Shia organization or council.
    • Allama: An honorific title given to a scholar
    • Jirga: A traditional tribal council or gathering in South Asia.
    • Zakir: A person who recites stories and narrations, often during Shia religious gatherings.
    • Khutba: A sermon given in mosques during Friday prayers
    • Tasu: A term referring to religious bias or prejudice.
    • Tehreek: A movement or campaign, often for political or social change.
    • Talib: A student of religious knowledge, especially in a Madrasa
    • Madrasa: A school or college of Islamic teaching
    • Chehlam: A Shia religious observance held forty days after the death of a family member.
    • Mutalba: A demand or request.

    Para Chinar Conflict: History, Tensions, and Potential Solutions

    Okay, here is a briefing document summarizing the key themes and information from the provided text:

    Briefing Document: Para Chinar Conflict and Historical Context

    Date: October 26, 2023

    Subject: Analysis of the ongoing conflict in Para Chinar, Pakistan, with historical context and potential solutions.

    Sources: Excerpts from “Pasted Text” (Provided by the user)

    Executive Summary:

    This document analyzes a detailed account of the recent conflict in Para Chinar, Pakistan, highlighting its immediate causes, underlying sectarian tensions, historical roots, and potential pathways toward resolution. The text emphasizes a recent incident that triggered a blockade, the complex historical relationship between Shia and Sunni communities in the region, and the role of state policies in exacerbating these conflicts. The document also underscores the potential for peace through engagement with local leadership.

    Key Themes and Issues:

    1. Recent Incident & Blockade:
    • The immediate cause of the current crisis is the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat (Sunni) individuals in a convoy, falsely rumored to be a retaliation for alleged Shia deaths. This rumor was false, as no Shias were killed.
    • In response, a road connecting Para Chinar to other cities is blocked by the Ahle Sunnat community which has severe consequences.
    • The road closure prevents the transport of essential supplies such as food and medicine into Para Chinar, leading to deaths of sick and injured.
    • Quote: “…in response to this they have closed the road and in my opinion this is worse than a war because every essential thing of Para Chinar is available on a daily basis.”
    1. Sectarian Tensions and Historical Context:
    • The conflict is situated within the broader context of sectarian tensions between Shia and Sunni Muslims in Pakistan, exacerbated by the policies of past regimes.
    • The text attributes the rise of sectarian militant groups like Sipah Sahaba to the policies of General Zia-ul-Haq.
    • Zia’s regime is described as having promoted the Deobandi sect and creating groups to counter Shia influence.
    • Quote: “Jalal Haq created all the terror groups. Sepoy Sahaba is formed on the orders of Jal Haq.”
    • The speaker references historical episodes where mosques built by Shias and Barelvis were taken over by Deobandi groups, further intensifying the tensions.
    • It is mentioned that Zia-ul-Haq used sectarian divisions to undermine political opposition.
    1. The Role of State Policy:
    • The text suggests a long-standing state policy of “repairing” the Shia community whenever they assert their rights or gain power.
    • This ‘repair’ policy includes targeting leadership and fundamental social and religious leaders with false accusations, imprisonment, and other methods of oppression.
    • The state’s actions are criticized as discriminatory and unjust, with accusations that the government punishes the entire Shia community for the actions of individuals.
    • Quote: “hence From that time onwards, Jaya ul Haq started the treatment and repair of the Shias and from there a formula came to our state administration that whenever the Shias raise their heads and express their existence, the religious community should be brought into the picture for their repair”
    • The closure of the roads is seen as an extension of this policy, effectively “killing” the Shia community with hunger and lack of access to medical care.
    • The speaker emphasizes that the government should treat all citizens equally, regardless of sect.
    1. The Shia Movement and Leadership:
    • The text portrays the Shia community as having become politically active in the 1970s. The establishment of Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria (Movement for the Implementation of Ja’fari Jurisprudence) was a reaction to Hanafi Jurisprudence being imposed.
    • Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain is described as a pivotal leader during this period.
    • The Shia community engaged in civil disobedience, refusing to pay Zakat to state institutions.
    • While the speaker concedes the Shia community was not revolutionary at the time, the Iranian Revolution served as a catalyst and inspiration.
    • Quote: “The Shia population was not as much as it is today. It was small but that small population was very enthusiastic. There were slogans of Tehreek in every street and alley. The Munam was one, Zakir and Maulana were one. The poet and the khatib were one.”
    1. Potential for Peace and Resolution:
    • The text stresses the importance of engaging with the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi.
    • This leader is described as peace-loving, moderate, and committed to cooperation with the Sunni community.
    • Quote: “…I believe that the state and Ahle Sunnat should also be close to them, should gain their trust, you will not find a more virtuous leadership and a more virtuous centre than them…”
    • The speaker advocates for a unified approach where both Shia and Sunni communities identify and hand over perpetrators of crimes from their own sects.
    • There are proposals for joint Shia-Sunni peace initiatives to counter those who are spreading sectarian hatred online and through social media.
    • The Shia leadership has condemned the recent incident and called for the perpetrators to be punished.

    Recommendations:

    • Immediate Action: The government must immediately address the blockade of Para Chinar and ensure the delivery of essential supplies.
    • Dialogue: The government and Ahle Sunnat community should initiate sincere and open dialogue with the existing Shia leadership in Para Chinar.
    • Justice System: The legal system should ensure accountability for the recent incident, without resorting to collective punishment.
    • Community Policing: Create a system where communities are responsible for handing over criminals within their community.
    • Address Online Hate: Collaborate on programs to counter online hate speech and sectarianism, targeting those who incite violence.
    • Long-Term Vision: The government should revise its discriminatory policies against the Shia community and implement measures to ensure equal rights and opportunities for all.

    Conclusion:

    The situation in Para Chinar is a complex culmination of historical tensions, sectarian violence, and problematic state policies. However, the text also highlights the potential for positive change through engagement with the current leadership and a commitment to equal treatment under the law. This briefing suggests an urgent need for the state to change its current policies and engage in dialogue to avoid a further escalation of violence.

    Para Chinar Conflict: Sectarian Tensions and Potential Solutions

    requently Asked Questions: Para Chinar Conflict and Sectarian Tensions

    1. What sparked the recent conflict in Para Chinar, and what is the main issue?
    2. The immediate spark was the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat individuals in a convoy, mistakenly linked to a false rumor of Shia deaths. This act, condemned by Shia leadership, led to the closure of a critical road, severely impacting the supply of essential goods like food and medicine to the Shia-dominated region of Para Chinar. The underlying issue is a history of sectarian tension and violence between Shia and Sunni communities, exploited by external actors.
    3. Why is the closure of the road to Para Chinar so critical, and how is it impacting the community?
    4. The road to Para Chinar is a vital lifeline connecting it to other cities like Pisha and Kohat. Its closure has created a severe humanitarian crisis. Essential supplies like food, medicine, and other daily needs are blocked, leading to the deaths of sick and injured individuals needing urgent medical care. The road is essential for daily commutes and trade, and its obstruction is crippling the community.
    5. How did the policies of Zia-ul-Haq contribute to the current situation in Pakistan?
    6. Zia-ul-Haq’s regime fostered sectarianism by promoting the Deobandi sect (due to their involvement in the Afghan Jihad) over the Barelvi and Shia communities. He also created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba which specifically targetted Shia muslims. His policies led to the capture of Barelvi and Shia mosques by Deobandi groups and he encouraged conflict between sects to maintain power. In general, his rule created an environment where sectarian differences were weaponized and intensified through state support and policy.
    7. What was the significance of the Shia movement led by Mufti Jafar Hussain during Zia-ul-Haq’s rule, and how did it differ from the Iranian Revolution?
    8. Mufti Jafar Hussain led the Shia community in a powerful movement in response to Zia’s policies, specifically opposing the implementation of Hanafi law and the forced deduction of Zakat. The movement was fueled by local circumstances in Pakistan and the zeal of the populace, but despite sympathy, it was not directly connected to the Iranian Revolution and the leadership, including Mufti Jafar, was not revolutionary. The movement did, however, show a degree of Shia resistance to oppressive state policies.
    9. What is the “formula” that the state administration seems to follow when there are Shia uprisings?
    10. According to the source, the state administration has a “formula” that dates back to the time of Zia-ul-Haq. Whenever the Shia population assert themselves, the state seeks to engage the religious community to “repair” or supress them. This often means fostering sectarian conflict or creating conditions for the oppression of the Shia community.
    11. What is the importance of the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, and why should the state engage with them?
    12. The current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi and the Markaz (central Shia organization), is considered moderate and peace-oriented. They have condemned the recent violence and are open to dialogue. Engaging with this leadership provides an opportunity for a peaceful resolution and for creating unity between Shia and Sunni communities. They are seen as crucial to restoring peace and stability to the region and are considered virtuous, kind, and willing to reach out to the Sunni community, but also vulnerable to strict state policy.
    13. What are some proposed solutions for achieving peace in Para Chinar?
    14. The source suggests a multi-pronged approach. Primarily, the state should engage with the current Shia leadership. Secondly, all local leadership, from Shia to Sunni, should form a unity front. Finally, a plan should be put in place to address criminal acts without blaming and punishing entire communities. This would involve both Shia and Sunni groups ensuring those of their own sects are punished for committing crimes. Finally, there needs to be a response to those who stir up violence on social media, even if they live outside of Pakistan.
    15. What are the dangers of viewing this as solely a sectarian conflict?
    16. Viewing the conflict solely through a sectarian lens ignores the nuances of the situation. A more holistic approach would look at external actors, and the manipulation of the conflict for political gains. By solely focusing on sect, the government risks alienating a community that is willing to engage in dialogue and perpetuates a cycle of violence and distrust.

    Sectarian Violence in Pakistan: A Historical and Contemporary Analysis

    Okay, here’s the timeline and cast of characters based on the provided text:

    Timeline of Events

    • Pre-Zia ul-Haq Era:Shia communities in Pakistan were relatively disunited and lacked strong leadership. They had small, independent mosques (Imambargahs) and were largely politically inactive.
    • Zia-ul-Haq Era (1977-1988):1978: Water rights issues emerge.
    • 1978-1979: Zia-ul-Haq imposes martial law, restricting political activity and suppressing dissent. This creates a vacuum that allows for sectarian issues to come to the forefront.
    • 1979: Shia community, previously disunited, rallies behind Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain and forms the Tehreek Nifas Fiqh Jafaria, a political movement. This is in response to the government’s move to implement Hanafi Fiqh laws. The Shia movement gains momentum and energy.
    • 1981-1982: A large Shia convention is held in Islamabad, initially for the Chehlum (40th day commemoration) of a martyr, but morphing into a major protest.
    • The Shia community in Islamabad stages a sit-in at the Secretariat, demanding exemption from Hanafi Fiqh and protesting the implementation of Zakat deductions from banks. They eventually win concessions from Zia-ul-Haq.
    • Zia-ul-Haq perceives the Shia movement as a threat, influenced by the recent Islamic Revolution in Iran (although the speaker denies a direct link). He begins to form groups to “repair” the Shia community.
    • Zia ul-Haq promotes the Deobandi sect, because they were the majority of the Mujahideen, leading to the Deobandi takeover of some Barelvi and Shia mosques.
    • Sipah-e-Sahaba, MQM, and other terrorist groups are formed on the orders of Zia-ul-Haq.
    • The state begins a policy of suppressing Shia mobilization. Religious leaders who could control the Shia community are sought.
    • Post-Zia-ul-Haq Era:The policy of targeting Shia mobilization continues. The tactic of using religious leaders to control Shia influence is used.
    • Ongoing: Sectarian tensions remain high, with Sunni groups, especially from Deobandi and Ahle Hadith sects, being promoted.
    • Recent Incident (Approx. 3 Weeks Prior to Speech): A “fanatic” incident takes place where a convoy of Ahle Sunnat people (men, women, and children) are brutally murdered on a road near Para Chinar. This was spurred by a false rumor of Shias being killed, though there was no Shia activity and no deaths on the Shia side. The speaker notes this as a crime and sectarian.
    • In response to the killings, Ahle Sunnat tribesmen close the only access road to Para Chinar, preventing essential supplies (food, medicine) from entering, leading to suffering and death.
    • The government is pursuing actions against 72 people from the Para Chinar Shia community who are not involved in the crime or sectarianism. The government is also using this as an opportunity to “repair” the Shia community.
    • Current: The speaker advocates for a peaceful resolution involving dialogue with Shia leaders, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi and other community leaders, and cooperation on local security and justice. He suggests collaboration with the local leadership on solutions, rather than punishing the community as a whole. He condemns people who incite sectarian violence online.

    Cast of Characters

    • Zia-ul-Haq: The military dictator of Pakistan from 1977 to 1988. He is portrayed as an oppressive figure who suppressed political opposition, and was responsible for the creation of numerous terrorist groups. He promoted the Deobandi sect and initiated policies to suppress Shia influence and activity, as well as the creation of terrorist groups like Sipah-e-Sahaba. He is a figure who is responsible for fanning the flames of sectarian violence.
    • Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain: A highly respected Shia religious leader who became the Qaid (leader) of the Shia community in 1979. He led the movement in response to Zia-ul-Haq’s imposition of Hanafi Fiqh. He is described as non-revolutionary, a simple and pure person, with traditional Najafi and Lucknowi religious leanings.
    • Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani Barelvi: A highly respected Barelvi leader who had significant political and religious influence. He was the head of the Milli Yak Jati Council, an interfaith group.
    • Abul Khair Zubair: A professor and doctor, he is the current head of the Milli Yak Jati Council, the successor of Shah Ahmed Noorani Barelvi.
    • Bahr Kaif: Described as playing a key role in Pakistan, and the current leader of the group founded by Shah Ahmad Noorani.
    • Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi: The current leader of the Anjuman Hussainia in Para Chinar. He is portrayed as a kind-hearted and peace-loving individual who is actively promoting unity between Shias and Sunnis. The speaker emphasizes his non-sectarian nature and his willingness to work with Sunni leaders. The speaker believes that peace can be achieved through negotiation and cooperation with Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi.
    • Unnamed “Foolish Person”: The individual who is responsible for the murder of the Ahle Sunnat convoy near Para Chinar. This individual is described as a fanatic.

    Key Themes

    • Sectarianism as a Tool of State Power: The text highlights how the state, particularly during the Zia-ul-Haq era, used sectarian divisions to control dissent and maintain power, which it continues to do.
    • The Role of Religious Leaders: The importance of both divisive and unifying religious figures is underscored. Individuals like Zia-ul-Haq and unnamed “Muftis” promoted sectarian divisions, while leaders like Mufti Jafar Hussain and Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi sought unity.
    • The Impact of State Policy: The closure of the road to Para Chinar demonstrates how the state can inflict suffering on entire populations based on sectarian or religious identity. The state’s response to sectarian violence is to punish and seek to control the Shia community.
    • The Importance of Dialogue and Unity: The speaker advocates for a unified front of Sunnis and Shia, stressing the need for dialogue and cooperation to achieve lasting peace. He highlights the leadership of Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi as a positive example.
    • The Dangers of Social Media Incitement: The text recognizes that social media can be used to spread misinformation and incite violence. The speaker believes such people should be punished.
    • The importance of local leadership: The state should work with local leaders to find solutions and prevent sectarian strife.

    Let me know if you’d like any clarification or further analysis!

    The Para Chinar Conflict

    The conflict in Para Chinar is a complex issue with a long history, involving sectarian tensions, political maneuvering, and geographical challenges [1-3]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects of the conflict:

    Sectarian Divisions and Violence:

    • The primary conflict is between the Shia and Ahle Sunnat (Sunni) communities in the Para Chinar region [1].
    • A recent incident involved the brutal murder of Ahle Sunnat people, including women and children, traveling in vehicles [1]. This was reportedly triggered by a false rumor that Shias were killed, leading to an attack on the convoy [1].
    • This incident is not an isolated event. The text indicates that wars have started often in the past and that there is a history of sectarian violence in the area [1].
    • The text describes a pattern of sectarian conflict where a dispute over land, transactions or social media rumors can ignite violence between sects [4].
    • According to the text, some elements within the Pakistani government have a policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, often by bringing religious communities into the conflict [5, 6]. This approach is seen as a dangerous policy that does not treat all citizens equally [7].

    Geographical and Logistical Factors:

    • Para Chinar is located on the border, with one road leading towards Afghanistan, where Ahle Sunnat tribesmen reside [1].
    • The other road, which connects Para Chinar with Pisha and Kohat, is also populated by Ahle Sunnat people [1]. This road is crucial for the daily supply of food, medicine, and other essential goods [1].
    • The road has been closed due to the recent violence, leading to severe shortages of food and medicine [1, 2].
    • This road closure is described as “worse than a war” because it affects the daily needs of the residents [1].
    • The closure of the road has resulted in the deaths of injured patients who could not reach medical care [2].
    • Historically, Shias used a route through Afghanistan to reach Para Chinar, but that route is now closed due to the presence of the Taliban [7].

    Historical Context and Political Manipulation:

    • During the time of Zia-ul-Haq, the Deobandi sect was promoted, and they began to take over Barelvi and Shia mosques [3].
    • The text asserts that Zia-ul-Haq created many terror groups, including Sipah Sahaba, to suppress political opposition [2].
    • Zia-ul-Haq is described as having “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool of political control [8].
    • The Shia community organized a sit-in in Islamabad to oppose the implementation of Hanafi Fiqh, and they also refused to pay Zakat that was being forcibly deducted from their accounts [8, 9].
    • The Shia community’s actions against the government were interpreted as a sign of Iranian influence, which further fueled sectarian tensions [5, 9].
    • The text claims that the state uses the strategy of targeting Shia leadership during periods of sectarian tension [6].

    Potential Solutions and the Role of Leadership:

    • The text emphasizes that the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi, is committed to peace and unity [10, 11].
    • Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi is described as a kind-hearted person who has worked to resolve conflicts between Shia and Sunni communities and is not a sectarian warrior [10].
    • There is a call for the state and the Ahle Sunnat community to engage with the current Shia leadership and gain their trust [11].
    • A solution is proposed where the local leadership could help create a system to arrest criminals of their own sect [4]. This would ensure that crime is addressed without inflaming sectarian tensions.
    • The text suggests that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should go after those spreading sectarian hatred on social media, regardless of their location [4].
    • The need for the people of Para Chinar to accept their Markaz (religious center) as a way to resolve issues and for the state to recognize the current Shia leadership as a partner for peace is also presented [4, 12].
    • The text expresses hope that peace can be established with the help of Allah [12].

    In conclusion, the Para Chinar conflict is a multifaceted issue with deep roots in sectarianism, political manipulation, and geographical factors. The text highlights the need for dialogue, trust-building, and a fair approach to justice to resolve the ongoing conflict [1-12].

    Sectarian Violence in Para Chinar

    Sectarian violence is a major issue in the Para Chinar region, with a history of conflict between the Shia and Ahle Sunnat (Sunni) communities [1]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects:

    • Ongoing Conflict: The sources indicate that sectarian violence is not new to the region, and that conflicts often arise [1]. A recent incident involved the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat people, including women and children, who were traveling in a convoy [1]. This attack was triggered by a false rumor that Shias had been killed [1].
    • Triggers for Violence: The sources explain that various factors can ignite sectarian violence, such as disputes over land, business transactions, and rumors spread on social media [2].
    • Historical Manipulation: According to the text, during the time of Zia-ul-Haq, the Deobandi sect was promoted, which led to them taking over Barelvi and Shia mosques [3]. The sources also state that Zia-ul-Haq created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba to suppress political opposition [4]. The text asserts that Zia-ul-Haq “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [5].
    • Government Influence: The text suggests that the Pakistani government has a policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, often using religious communities to initiate the conflict [6, 7]. This policy is seen as discriminatory and unjust [8]. The sources state that whenever Shias assert their existence, the government brings religious communities into the picture to suppress them [7].
    • Consequences of Violence: The closure of the main road to Para Chinar, which is a consequence of the sectarian violence, has led to shortages of food, medicine, and other essential goods [1, 4]. The road closure has also resulted in the deaths of injured patients who could not receive medical care [4].

    The sources emphasize the need for a fair approach to justice and to address the core causes of sectarian violence, instead of relying on discriminatory policies that perpetuate conflict [1, 8].

    Para Chinar Road Blockade: Sectarian Violence and its Consequences

    The road blockade in Para Chinar is a critical issue that has resulted from sectarian violence and has led to severe consequences for the local population [1]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects:

    • Cause of the Blockade: The road blockade was initiated following a violent incident in which members of the Ahle Sunnat community, including women and children, were brutally murdered [1]. This incident was reportedly triggered by a false rumor that Shias had been killed [1]. In response, the road was closed [1].
    • Significance of the Road: The blocked road is the primary route connecting Para Chinar to Pisha and Kohat, and other cities like Rawalpindi [2]. This route is essential for the daily supply of food, medicine, and other necessities for the residents of Para Chinar [1, 2]. Thousands of people use this road daily for travel [2].
    • Consequences of the Blockade:Shortages: The blockade has led to a severe shortage of food, medicine, and other essential goods in Para Chinar [1, 2].
    • Deaths: Injured patients who needed medical treatment have died due to the inability to reach hospitals [2].
    • Impact on Daily Life: The road closure has significantly disrupted the daily life of the people of Para Chinar because they depend on the road for essential supplies [1]. The text suggests that the road closure is “worse than a war” because of the hardship it imposes on the community [1].
    • Historical Context: The text suggests that this type of road closure is not new. In the past, Shias used a route through Afghanistan, but this route is also closed due to the presence of the Taliban [3]. There is an implication that the road closure is a tactic used to pressure or punish the Shia community [4].
    • Government Policy: The text asserts that there is an underlying government policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, and the road blockade is one of the tactics used to achieve that [3, 5]. This policy is viewed as discriminatory and unjust [4].
    • Alternative Routes: The text mentions that Shias previously used a route through Afghanistan to travel to and from Para Chinar, but this route is currently closed due to the presence of the Taliban on that side of the border [3, 4].
    • Call for Action: The text emphasizes that the state needs to solve this problem, as the road closure is harming innocent people, including children, women, and the elderly [4, 6]. It is suggested that the government should not treat any part of the population differently based on sect [4]. The text also calls on the government and Ahle Sunnat leadership to engage with the current Shia leadership of Para Chinar to resolve this situation [6, 7].
    • Proposed Solutions: The text proposes that a system be set up to arrest criminals of their own sect, so that if a Shia commits a crime, other Shias arrest them and vice versa [8]. The text also suggests that the Markaz (religious center) of Para Chinar should be recognized by all to help resolve issues and ensure the people follow the Markaz leadership [9].

    In conclusion, the road blockade is a severe issue that is causing significant hardship for the people of Para Chinar, and it underscores the deep sectarian tensions and political issues at play in the region.

    Para Chinar: Shia-Sunni Tensions and the Struggle for Peace

    Shia-Sunni tensions are a central issue in the Para Chinar conflict, with a long history of violence and political manipulation, according to the sources [1-3]. Here’s a breakdown of the key aspects of these tensions:

    • Historical Conflict: The sources indicate that the conflict between Shia and Sunni communities in Para Chinar is not new and that violence between these groups has occurred frequently [1]. A recent incident involved the brutal killing of Ahle Sunnat people, including women and children, which was reportedly triggered by a false rumor that Shias were killed [1]. This event is just one instance in an ongoing pattern of sectarian violence [1].
    • Triggers for Violence: The sources explain that various factors can ignite sectarian violence, such as disputes over land, business transactions, and rumors spread on social media [1, 4]. These triggers can quickly escalate into broader sectarian conflicts, leading to violence and instability [1].
    • Political Manipulation: According to the sources, sectarian tensions have been exploited for political gain. During the time of Zia-ul-Haq, the Deobandi sect was promoted, and they began taking over Barelvi and Shia mosques [3]. Zia-ul-Haq is also accused of creating terror groups like Sipah Sahaba to suppress political opposition [2]. The sources state that Zia-ul-Haq “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [5]. This historical context underscores how sectarian divisions have been manipulated for political purposes [2, 3].
    • Government Influence: The sources suggest that the Pakistani government has a policy of “repairing” Shias when they become too powerful, often using religious communities to initiate conflict [6, 7]. This policy is viewed as discriminatory and unjust [7]. The sources claim that whenever Shias assert their existence, the government brings religious communities into the picture to suppress them [7]. The recent road blockade, which has caused severe shortages of food and medicine, is presented as one of the tactics used by the government to weaken the Shia community [1].
    • Consequences of Tensions: The sectarian tensions and violence have led to severe consequences, including the closure of the main road to Para Chinar. This blockade has resulted in shortages of food, medicine, and other essential goods, causing significant hardship for the local population [1]. The road closure has also led to the deaths of injured patients who could not reach medical care [1].
    • Current Leadership: Despite the tensions, the sources emphasize that the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar is committed to peace and unity [8]. Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi is described as a kind-hearted person who has worked to resolve conflicts between Shia and Sunni communities and is not a sectarian warrior [8]. There is a call for the state and the Ahle Sunnat community to engage with this leadership and gain their trust [9].
    • Potential Solutions: The sources propose a system where the local leadership could help create a system to arrest criminals of their own sect. This would ensure that crime is addressed without inflaming sectarian tensions [4]. Additionally, the sources suggest that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should go after those spreading sectarian hatred on social media, regardless of their location [4]. It is also proposed that the Markaz (religious center) of Para Chinar should be recognized by all to help resolve issues and ensure people follow the Markaz leadership [10].

    In summary, Shia-Sunni tensions in Para Chinar are deeply rooted in historical conflicts, political manipulation, and government policies. These tensions have resulted in violence, road blockades, and severe hardship for the local population. However, the sources also highlight the potential for peace through engagement with the current Shia leadership and by addressing the underlying causes of sectarianism.

    Political Solutions for Para Chinar Conflict

    Political solutions to the conflict in Para Chinar, as suggested by the sources, revolve around addressing the root causes of sectarian tensions, promoting unity, and ensuring fair governance [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the proposed solutions:

    • Engage with Current Shia Leadership: The sources emphasize the importance of engaging with the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi, who is described as a kind-hearted and peace-oriented leader [1]. The text suggests that the government and Ahle Sunnat community should seek to gain their trust and work with them to find solutions [2]. The Shia leadership is seen as a crucial partner for establishing peace and stability in the region.
    • Recognize the Markaz (Religious Center): The text proposes that the Markaz in Para Chinar should be recognized and accepted by all, as this would help to ensure that people follow the guidance of the leadership [3, 4]. This recognition could play a key role in unifying the community and establishing a framework for resolving disputes.
    • Establish a System for Arresting Criminals: A key political solution is to establish a system where criminals are apprehended by members of their own sect [3]. This means that if a Shia commits a crime, other Shias should catch and arrest them, and vice-versa for Sunnis. This method is proposed as a way to prevent sectarian tensions from escalating in response to criminal acts, and to maintain a more peaceful environment, by preventing tribal and sectarian conflicts from becoming intertwined with criminal justice.
    • Combat Sectarianism on Social Media: The sources highlight the role of social media in spreading sectarian hatred and inciting violence [3]. It is proposed that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should pursue and address those spreading sectarianism on social media, regardless of their location. This approach recognizes that instigators often reside outside the region, and that their actions need to be confronted to reduce sectarian animosity.
    • Promote Unity and Cooperation: The text promotes unity and cooperation between Shia and Sunni communities [2, 3]. The sources describe how efforts to organize a conference bringing together Shia and Sunni leaders in Para Chinar were intended to encourage mutual cooperation and unity [2].
    • Fair Governance and Justice: The sources argue that the government should not discriminate based on sect, but treat all citizens equally [5]. The text suggests that current government policy of “repairing” Shias when they become powerful is unjust [5, 6]. The text advocates for a system where justice is applied equally to all, and where criminals are held accountable regardless of their religious affiliation [5]. The government should be an impartial arbiter, rather than a participant in sectarian conflict [5].
    • Address Root Causes: The sources indicate that sectarian tensions arise from multiple factors, such as disputes over land, business transactions, and political manipulation [7-9]. Therefore, any lasting solution needs to address these underlying causes.
    • Include all Communities: The text suggests that any solution must involve all communities, and avoid alienating or excluding any part of the population [1, 2]. This emphasizes the importance of inclusive governance and reconciliation.
    • Avoid Provocative Actions: The text notes that imposing strict measures on the Shia community, even against those who are considered peaceful, can lead to a more oppressive environment and that “nimturi” (strictness) leads to more extreme reactions from those who are targeted [2]. This suggests that actions must be carefully considered, and that harsh responses to a community can be counter-productive.

    In summary, the political solutions proposed in the sources emphasize the need for inclusive governance, fair justice, engagement with community leaders, and a focus on addressing the root causes of sectarian conflict [1, 3]. The solutions involve active efforts to promote cooperation and unity, while also targeting individuals who incite violence and sectarian hatred [2, 3]. These solutions also advocate for a more just system of government that protects all citizens equally [5].

    Para Chinar Conflict: Roots and Causes

    The conflict in Para Chinar is rooted in a complex interplay of historical, political, and socio-religious factors. The sources and our conversation history point to several key root causes:

    • Sectarian Tensions: At the heart of the conflict are deep-seated tensions between the Shia and Sunni communities [1, 2]. The text describes a history of violence between these groups, with the most recent incident being the brutal murder of Ahle Sunnat people, reportedly triggered by a false rumor [1]. This incident is presented as part of a recurring cycle of sectarian violence [1].
    • Political Manipulation: The sources suggest that these sectarian tensions have been deliberately exploited for political purposes [2, 3].
    • Zia-ul-Haq’s Era: During Zia-ul-Haq’s rule, the Deobandi sect was promoted, leading to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [4]. Zia-ul-Haq also created terror groups like Sipah Sahaba to suppress political opposition [2]. The text asserts that Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3].
    • Government Policy of “Repairing” Shias: The sources claim that the government has a policy of “repairing” Shias whenever they become powerful, and that they use religious communities to initiate conflict [5, 6]. The road blockade is presented as one of the tactics used by the government to weaken the Shia community [1].
    • Triggers for Violence: The sources highlight that various factors can ignite sectarian violence [1, 7].
    • Disputes: These include disputes over land, business transactions, and even rumors spread on social media [1, 7].
    • Rumors: A false rumor was the catalyst for the recent violence, in which Ahle Sunnat people were murdered, demonstrating how easily misinformation can escalate into conflict [1].
    • Social Media: The text notes the role of social media in spreading sectarian hatred and inciting violence [7].
    • Lack of Fair Governance: The sources indicate that the government is not treating all citizens equally [8]. The government’s policy of “repairing” Shias is presented as an example of unfair and discriminatory practices [6, 8]. The text argues that the government should not favor any sect, and should punish criminals regardless of their religious affiliation [8].
    • Historical Grievances: The text alludes to historical grievances that fuel the conflict, including past actions taken against the Shia community. For example, during Zia-ul-Haq’s time, the Shias had taken actions for which Zia-ul-Haq decided to punish them [2]. The text does not elaborate on the details, but suggests that historical grievances contribute to the current conflict.
    • Road Blockades: The road blockades themselves, while a consequence of violence, also contribute to the conflict by causing immense hardship on the Shia population, creating further resentment and tension [1].
    • External Influences: While the text notes that the Shia leadership was not directly linked to the Iranian revolution, there was a perception that the Shias were influenced by it, and that this led to further suppression by the government [5, 9].
    • Lack of Unity: The sources point out the lack of unity among the various sects and tribes as contributing to the problem, as it creates an environment where conflict can be easily ignited [7].

    In summary, the root causes of the conflict in Para Chinar include deep-seated sectarian tensions, political manipulation, government policies that are perceived as unjust, triggers for violence, and a lack of fair governance. These factors have created an environment where violence can easily erupt and where the local population suffers due to the actions of a few and the inequitable policies of the state.

    Zia-ul-Haq and Sectarian Tensions in Pakistan

    Zia-ul-Haq played a significant role in exacerbating sectarian tensions in Pakistan, according to the sources [1-3]. Here’s a breakdown of his involvement:

    • Promotion of the Deobandi Sect: During his rule, Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect [1, 2]. This promotion led to Deobandis taking over Barelvi and Shia mosques, increasing sectarian divisions [2].
    • Creation of Terror Groups: Zia-ul-Haq is accused of creating terrorist groups like Sipah Sahaba [1]. These groups were used to suppress political opposition and further fueled sectarian conflict [1].
    • Mixing of Religious Sects for Political Control: The sources state that Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3]. This manipulation deepened divisions between Shia and Sunni communities [3].
    • Targeting Shias: The sources indicate that Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions, though the specifics of these actions are not detailed [1]. This targeting further intensified sectarian tensions and led to a sense of persecution within the Shia community [1].
    • Exploitation of Jihadis: Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect because the Jihadis were Deobandi Jihadis [2]. This further empowered the Deobandi sect and led to increased sectarian conflict [2].
    • Policies Resulting in Shia Resistance: Zia-ul-Haq’s actions, including his imposition of martial law and restrictions on political activities, led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh, the school of jurisprudence, in 1979 [3]. This resistance showed the power and organization of the Shia community [3].
    • Anti-Shia Sentiment: According to the sources, Zia-ul-Haq created an environment where anti-Shia sentiment could flourish [4]. This is evident in his reaction to the Shia community’s resistance and his efforts to undermine their influence [4].
    • Forming Sipah Saba to “Repair” Shias: The sources also claim that Zia-ul-Haq formed Sipah Saba in order to “repair” the Shias, indicating that he viewed the Shia community as a problem that needed to be controlled and suppressed [4]. This policy further intensified sectarian tensions [4].

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s policies and actions played a crucial role in creating and intensifying sectarian tensions in Pakistan, particularly between Shia and Sunni communities. He promoted certain sects, created terrorist groups, and deliberately manipulated religious differences for political gain. His rule is viewed as a pivotal point in the history of sectarian conflict in the region, and as a time when the government directly contributed to sectarian divisions [1-3].

    Zia-ul-Haq and Pakistan’s Sectarian Violence

    Zia-ul-Haq’s actions had a profoundly negative impact on Shia-Sunni relations, significantly worsening sectarian tensions in Pakistan [1, 2]. Here’s how his policies and actions affected these relations, according to the sources:

    • Promotion of Sectarianism: Zia-ul-Haq actively promoted the Deobandi sect, which led to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [2]. This created an environment of distrust and resentment between the sects, because the Deobandi sect, which was aligned with the Jihadis of that time, was given preferential treatment [2].
    • Creation of Terrorist Groups: Zia-ul-Haq is accused of forming terrorist organizations such as Sipah Sahaba [1]. These groups were used to suppress political opponents, but they also targeted Shias, further fueling sectarian violence [1]. The creation of such groups exacerbated the existing tensions between the two communities by legitimizing violence against the Shia community.
    • Manipulation of Religious Sects for Political Control: The sources state that Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3]. This manipulation deepened divisions between the Shia and Sunni communities, as it made sectarian identities more politically salient and created an environment where religious differences were weaponized for political purposes.
    • Targeting Shias: Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions, though the details are not specified in the sources [1, 3]. This targeting intensified sectarian tensions and created a sense of persecution within the Shia community, and led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh in 1979 [3].
    • “Repairing” the Shias: The sources claim that Zia-ul-Haq formed Sipah Saba in order to “repair” the Shias, indicating that he viewed the Shia community as a problem that needed to be controlled and suppressed [4]. This policy of “repairing” Shias was not an attempt to bridge divides, but rather an effort to undermine Shia influence and authority, further stoking tensions [5].
    • Anti-Shia Sentiment: According to the sources, Zia-ul-Haq created an environment where anti-Shia sentiment could flourish [4]. By favoring certain sects and targeting others, Zia-ul-Haq actively fostered an environment where violence and discrimination against the Shia community became more acceptable, and perhaps inevitable.
    • Policies Resulting in Shia Resistance: Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, including his imposition of martial law and restrictions on political activities, led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh in 1979 [3]. This resistance further amplified the tensions, creating a more volatile situation.

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s actions and policies had a devastating effect on Shia-Sunni relations by creating an environment of fear, distrust, and animosity [1, 2, 4]. He is seen as responsible for actively promoting sectarian divisions and for using these divisions for his own political advantage [1, 3]. His policies led to the creation of terrorist groups, the targeting of Shias, and a general rise in sectarian violence, the effects of which are still felt in the region today [1, 2, 5]. His policies and actions directly undermined any possibility of peaceful co-existence between the Shia and Sunni communities, and his legacy is one of heightened sectarian tensions and conflict [1-3].

    Shia Grievances Against Zia-ul-Haq’s Regime

    The sources indicate that Shias had several specific grievances against Zia-ul-Haq’s regime, stemming from his policies and actions that were seen as discriminatory and oppressive. Here are the key grievances:

    • Promotion of the Deobandi Sect and Takeover of Mosques: Zia-ul-Haq’s promotion of the Deobandi sect led to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [1]. This was a major grievance because it infringed on the Shias’ religious spaces and their right to practice their faith freely [1]. This takeover created resentment and a feeling of being marginalized within their own communities [1].
    • Creation of Terrorist Groups: The formation of groups like Sipah Sahaba by Zia-ul-Haq is a significant grievance [2]. These groups were not only used to suppress political opposition but also targeted Shias, leading to violence and a sense of insecurity within the community [2, 3]. The creation of these groups made Shias feel like they were being actively targeted and victimized by the state [2, 3].
    • Targeting of Shias: The sources mention that Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions [2, 3]. Although the specifics of these actions are not detailed, the targeting led to a sense of persecution and injustice among Shias, who felt they were being unfairly treated by the government [2, 3].
    • Policy of “Repairing” Shias: The policy of “repairing” Shias through groups like Sipah Saba was seen as a direct attack on their community and their religious identity [3]. This policy conveyed that the Shias were considered a problem to be controlled and suppressed rather than equal citizens, fostering deep resentment [3].
    • Imposition of Hanafi Fiqh: Zia-ul-Haq’s attempt to impose Hanafi Fiqh, a school of jurisprudence, was a major point of contention [4]. The Shia community organized and publicly declared their opposition to it in 1979. This move was perceived as an attempt to undermine their religious practices and autonomy, leading to widespread protests and resistance [4].
    • Suppression of Political Activities: Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law and restrictions on political activities were a significant concern for the Shias as well as others in Pakistan [4]. These restrictions limited their ability to express their grievances through political means and to organize themselves politically [4]. This political suppression was a common experience for all people but also made it harder for Shias to mobilize against the policies they perceived to be unjust [4].
    • Discrimination and Injustice: More broadly, Shias felt that Zia-ul-Haq’s policies created an environment of discrimination and injustice [5]. They believed that the state was not treating them fairly, and that it was actively working to suppress them and their religious expression [5]. This perception of being second-class citizens fueled their grievances [5].
    • Disregard for Shia Community: The overall approach of the Zia-ul-Haq government was perceived as one of disregard for the Shia community and its rights [3, 6]. This feeling of being ignored and suppressed contributed to their sense of grievance and fueled their resistance [3, 6].

    In summary, Shias had significant grievances against Zia-ul-Haq’s regime due to his policies that promoted sectarianism, suppressed their religious freedom, created an environment of violence, and specifically targeted their community. These grievances stemmed from a perception that the government was not only biased against them but also actively working to undermine their existence and suppress their rights.

    Zia-ul-Haq and Pakistan’s Sectarian Violence

    Zia-ul-Haq’s regime had a profoundly negative impact on Shia-Sunni relations in Pakistan, significantly worsening sectarian tensions [1, 2]. His policies and actions created an environment of fear, distrust, and animosity between the two communities [1, 3-5].

    Here’s how his regime affected these relations, according to the sources:

    • Promotion of Sectarianism: Zia-ul-Haq actively promoted the Deobandi sect, which led to the takeover of Barelvi and Shia mosques [2]. This created an environment of distrust and resentment between the sects, as the Deobandi sect, aligned with the Jihadis, was given preferential treatment [2]. This created a sense of marginalization among Shias and contributed to sectarian tensions [3].
    • Creation of Terrorist Groups: Zia-ul-Haq is accused of forming terrorist organizations like Sipah Sahaba [1]. These groups were used to suppress political opponents but also targeted Shias, further fueling sectarian violence [1]. The creation of such groups exacerbated tensions by legitimizing violence against the Shia community [4].
    • Manipulation of Religious Sects: Zia-ul-Haq deliberately “mixed up the religious sects” and used sectarianism as a tool for political control [3]. This manipulation deepened divisions between Shia and Sunni communities, creating an environment where religious differences were weaponized for political purposes [3].
    • Targeting Shias: Zia-ul-Haq’s government targeted Shias after they took certain actions, although the specifics aren’t detailed in the sources [1, 3]. This targeting intensified sectarian tensions and created a sense of persecution within the Shia community [3, 6].
    • Policy of “Repairing” the Shias: The sources claim that Zia-ul-Haq formed Sipah Saba to “repair” the Shias, indicating he viewed the Shia community as a problem to be controlled [4]. This policy was not an attempt to bridge divides but an effort to undermine Shia influence, further stoking tensions [4].
    • Anti-Shia Sentiment: Zia-ul-Haq created an environment where anti-Shia sentiment could flourish [4, 5]. By favoring certain sects and targeting others, he fostered an environment where violence and discrimination against the Shia community became more acceptable [4].
    • Policies Resulting in Shia Resistance: Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, such as the imposition of martial law and restrictions on political activities, led to the Shia community organizing and publicly declaring their opposition to the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh in 1979 [3]. This resistance further amplified the tensions [3].
    • Exploitation of Jihadis: Zia-ul-Haq promoted the Deobandi sect because the Jihadis were Deobandi Jihadis [2]. This further empowered the Deobandi sect and led to increased sectarian conflict [2].

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s actions and policies had a devastating effect on Shia-Sunni relations by creating an environment of fear, distrust, and animosity [1, 3-5]. He is seen as responsible for actively promoting sectarian divisions and for using these divisions for his own political advantage [1-3]. His policies led to the creation of terrorist groups, the targeting of Shias, and a general rise in sectarian violence [1, 3-5].

    Shia Mobilization Under Zia-ul-Haq

    Zia-ul-Haq’s policies had a significant impact on Shia political mobilization in Pakistan, leading to a more organized and assertive Shia community [1, 2]. Here’s how his actions influenced their political mobilization, according to the sources:

    • Resistance to Hanafi Fiqh: Zia-ul-Haq’s attempt to impose Hanafi Fiqh was a catalyst for Shia political mobilization [1]. In 1979, the Shia community organized and publicly declared their opposition to this policy [1, 2]. This unified stance against the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh demonstrated a new level of cohesion and political awareness within the Shia community [1].
    • Formation of Unified Leadership: The opposition to Hanafi Fiqh led to the establishment of a unified Shia leadership under Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain [1]. This leadership was crucial in mobilizing the Shia community across Pakistan, and provided a central point for organizing resistance and articulating their demands [1]. This marks a shift from a previously fragmented community [1].
    • Nationwide Protests: The newly unified Shia community staged a major protest in Islamabad, demanding that Hanafi Fiqh not be imposed on them and that Zakat deductions from banks not be enforced [2]. This sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad was a significant display of Shia political strength and unity, and demonstrated their capability to mobilize on a national scale [2].
    • Increased Political Awareness: The sources state that prior to Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, the Shias were not politically organized, and there was no leadership or unified structure [1]. However, Zia-ul-Haq’s actions created a sense of shared grievance and identity among the Shias, which galvanized them to come together and to take collective political action [1].
    • Response to Perceived Injustice: Shia political mobilization was fueled by a sense of injustice and discrimination under Zia-ul-Haq’s regime [1, 2]. His policies, such as the promotion of the Deobandi sect and the formation of anti-Shia groups like Sipah Sahaba, were seen as direct attacks on the Shia community, leading to a greater sense of urgency in their political activities [3-5].
    • Impact of the Iranian Revolution: Although the Shia leadership in Pakistan was not initially revolutionary, the Iranian Revolution did influence the atmosphere [2, 6]. While there was no direct connection or transaction between the two, there was sympathy for the Iranian revolution within the Shia community in Pakistan, and this indirectly contributed to their sense of political possibility [2]. The government and others, however, mistakenly believed that the revolution in Iran was directly linked to the Shia uprising in Pakistan, and this further heightened tensions [6].
    • Challenging the Martial Law: The Shia protests in Islamabad forced Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law regime to accept their demands, demonstrating the effectiveness of their mobilization and their ability to challenge government policies [2]. This success further encouraged their political involvement and demonstrated the potential of their collective action [2].
    • Shift to Revolutionary Spirit: While the Shia community in Pakistan was not initially revolutionary, after these events, a revolutionary spirit was born in the youth and a viewpoint related to revolution was established among the people [6].

    In summary, Zia-ul-Haq’s policies inadvertently spurred Shia political mobilization by creating a common cause, a shared sense of grievance, and the need to defend their rights [1, 2]. His actions led to the formation of a unified leadership, nationwide protests, and a greater sense of political awareness within the Shia community [1, 2]. This period marked a significant shift from a previously fragmented and politically inactive community to one that was more organized, assertive, and capable of collective political action [1, 2].

    The 1979 Shia Convention and Zia-ul-Haq’s Regime

    The 1979 Shia convention in Pakistan had a significant impact on Zia-ul-Haq’s policies, primarily by demonstrating the strength and unity of the Shia community and forcing his regime to reconsider its approach towards them [1]. Here’s a breakdown of the key impacts:

    • Forced Reversal of Policy: The most immediate impact of the 1979 convention was that it forced Zia-ul-Haq’s government to back down from its attempt to impose Hanafi Fiqh [1]. This was a major victory for the Shia community, as they had organized and publicly declared their opposition to this policy [2]. The convention and the subsequent sit-in at the Secretariat in Islamabad led to the government accepting the Shia demands, which was not an easy task, and it demonstrated that the Shia community could effectively challenge the martial law regime [1].
    • Demonstration of Shia Political Power: The convention showcased the mobilization and organizational capabilities of the Shia community. The fact that thousands and lakhs of people gathered in Islamabad demonstrated their ability to mobilize on a national scale [1]. The sit-in at the Secretariat sent a clear message to Zia-ul-Haq that the Shias were not a passive group that could be ignored [1].
    • Recognition of Shia Unity: The convention and the organized resistance against the imposition of Hanafi Fiqh highlighted the unity of the Shia community under a newly formed leadership [2]. Before this, the Shia community was described as fragmented with no unified structure [1, 2]. The convention and the leadership of Allama Mufti Jafar Hussain, which formed in 1979, demonstrated that the Shia community could act as a united political force [1, 2].
    • Shift in Government Perception: Zia-ul-Haq’s regime initially underestimated the Shia community, considering them to be a group that “beat themselves up and become silent” [1]. However, the convention revealed that the Shias were capable of organized resistance and could pose a significant challenge to his authority [1]. The success of the protest forced the government to recognize that the Shias were a considerable political force.
    • Misinterpretation of Iranian Influence: The timing of the convention, coinciding with the Iranian Revolution, led to the mistaken belief that the Shia uprising in Pakistan was directly linked to the Iranian Revolution [1]. While there was sympathy for the Iranian revolution, the Shia leadership was not revolutionary, and the protests were a reaction to Zia-ul-Haq’s domestic policies [1, 3]. This misinterpretation, however, further heightened tensions and influenced Zia-ul-Haq’s policies towards the Shia community.
    • Long-Term Impact: The convention marked the beginning of a new era for the Shia community in Pakistan. It instilled a sense of political awareness and revolutionary spirit among the Shia youth, leading to further political mobilization [1, 3]. It also solidified the idea that the Shia community could resist policies they deemed unjust and could demand their rights [1].

    In summary, the 1979 Shia convention in Pakistan was a pivotal moment that forced Zia-ul-Haq to recognize the Shia community as a potent political force [1]. The convention led to the reversal of the Hanafi Fiqh policy, demonstrated the Shia community’s unity and mobilization capabilities, and altered the government’s perception of the community. This event also mistakenly linked the Shia movement to the Iranian revolution and had a lasting impact on the Shia community’s political awareness and activism [1, 3].

    Para Chinar Road Closure: A Humanitarian Crisis

    The road closure in Para Chinar had severe consequences for the local population, as it restricted the flow of essential goods and services [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the key consequences:

    • Lack of Essential Supplies: The road closure resulted in a severe shortage of food, medicines, and other essential items in Para Chinar [1, 2]. The primary route for these goods passes through an area populated by Ahle Sunnat, and its closure effectively cut off the city from vital supplies [1].
    • Impact on Healthcare: The closure prevented the transport of medicines and hindered the movement of patients, leading to the deaths of injured individuals who were unable to receive timely treatment [2]. Many injured patients who were brought to the hospital for treatment died because they were not allowed access [2].
    • Economic Hardship: The road closure disrupted daily life, impacting the movement of people and trade, as the road is usually very busy with thousands of people coming and going [2]. Para Chinar’s daily needs are supplied through this road [1].
    • Humanitarian Crisis: The combination of food and medicine shortages, along with the inability of the sick and injured to seek treatment, created a significant humanitarian crisis in the area [2, 3]. The situation was described as worse than war, due to the daily need of the people of Para Chinar for essential supplies that are now cut off [1].
    • Historical Context: The road closure appears to be part of a recurring pattern, with past incidents resulting in similar blockades [4]. The sources claim that this method of cutting off supplies is an old tactic used against the Shia population in Para Chinar [5].
    • Government Response: The government’s policy of dealing with the Shia population appears to involve collective punishment, with the road closure affecting the entire community, including women, children, the elderly, and the sick [3, 5]. This policy is criticized because it harms innocent civilians [3].
    • Sectarian Dimensions: The road closure is connected to the underlying sectarian tensions, as the road is controlled by the Ahle Sunnat, and the closure is seen as a means of “teaching a lesson” to the Shia community [1, 5].
    • Alternative Routes Closed: The traditional alternate route to Para Chinar through Afghanistan is also closed, due to the presence of the Taliban [5]. This makes the community even more isolated and vulnerable.

    In summary, the road closure in Para Chinar resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, characterized by shortages of essential supplies, deaths due to lack of medical care, and economic hardship. The closure is seen as a deliberate act of collective punishment against the Shia community, reflecting deeper sectarian issues. The sources suggest that such actions are a recurring issue in the region.

    Para Chinar Road Closure: A Humanitarian Crisis

    The road closure in Para Chinar had severe consequences for the local population, as it restricted the flow of essential goods and services [1, 2]. Here’s a breakdown of the key consequences:

    • Lack of Essential Supplies: The road closure resulted in a severe shortage of food, medicines, and other essential items in Para Chinar [1, 2]. The primary route for these goods passes through an area populated by Ahle Sunnat, and its closure effectively cut off the city from vital supplies [1].
    • Impact on Healthcare: The closure prevented the transport of medicines and hindered the movement of patients, leading to the deaths of injured individuals who were unable to receive timely treatment [2]. Many injured patients who were brought to the hospital for treatment died because they were not allowed access [2].
    • Economic Hardship: The road closure disrupted daily life, impacting the movement of people and trade, as the road is usually very busy with thousands of people coming and going [2]. Para Chinar’s daily needs are supplied through this road [1].
    • Humanitarian Crisis: The combination of food and medicine shortages, along with the inability of the sick and injured to seek treatment, created a significant humanitarian crisis in the area [2, 3]. The situation was described as worse than war, due to the daily need of the people of Para Chinar for essential supplies that are now cut off [1].
    • Historical Context: The road closure appears to be part of a recurring pattern, with past incidents resulting in similar blockades [4]. The sources claim that this method of cutting off supplies is an old tactic used against the Shia population in Para Chinar [5].
    • Government Response: The government’s policy of dealing with the Shia population appears to involve collective punishment, with the road closure affecting the entire community, including women, children, the elderly, and the sick [3, 5]. This policy is criticized because it harms innocent civilians [3].
    • Sectarian Dimensions: The road closure is connected to the underlying sectarian tensions, as the road is controlled by the Ahle Sunnat, and the closure is seen as a means of “teaching a lesson” to the Shia community [1, 5].
    • Alternative Routes Closed: The traditional alternate route to Para Chinar through Afghanistan is also closed, due to the presence of the Taliban [5]. This makes the community even more isolated and vulnerable.

    In summary, the road closure in Para Chinar resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, characterized by shortages of essential supplies, deaths due to lack of medical care, and economic hardship. The closure is seen as a deliberate act of collective punishment against the Shia community, reflecting deeper sectarian issues. The sources suggest that such actions are a recurring issue in the region.

    A Peace Proposal for Para Chinar

    The proposed solution for peace in Para Chinar involves several key elements, focusing on dialogue, cooperation, and addressing the root causes of conflict, according to the sources:

    • Dialogue with Current Shia Leadership: The sources strongly advocate for engaging with the current Shia leadership in Para Chinar, particularly Allama Fida Hussain Mujahi. This leadership is described as virtuous, kind-hearted, and committed to peace [1, 2]. The sources highlight that this leadership has worked to resolve conflicts in the past and is not a proponent of sectarian violence [1].
    • Building Trust: The state and the Ahle Sunnat community should seek to build trust with the Shia leadership. The sources emphasize that this is an excellent opportunity to work together to achieve peace, and that the current Shia leadership is the most virtuous that could be found [2].
    • Joint Shia-Sunni Conference: The sources suggest that a conference involving both Shia and Sunni leaders, as well as other tribal leaders, should be organized in Para Chinar to promote mutual cooperation and unity. This conference would bring together all parties to work towards peace [2]. A similar conference was planned in the past but was disrupted by conflict [2].
    • Acceptance of the Markaz: The solution requires that the people of Para Chinar, including different tribes, accept the leadership of the Markaz in Marbupalli [3, 4]. The Markaz is a central authority that can serve as a point of unity for the Shia community, and that acceptance of this authority is key to finding a path toward peace [3, 4].
    • Joint Action Against Criminals: The sources propose that both the Shia and Sunni communities should take responsibility for arresting criminals within their respective communities. If a Shia commits a crime, the Shia community should arrest them, and if a Sunni commits a crime, the Sunni community should arrest them. This approach would prevent sectarian conflict and avoid generalizing a crime to an entire community [3].
    • Addressing External Incitement: The sources also stress the need to address those who incite sectarian violence, particularly those who use social media to spread rumors and hatred. It is proposed that a joint Shia-Sunni Jirga should track down such individuals, whether they are located in Qatar, Iran, or elsewhere, and bring them to justice [3].
    • Avoiding Collective Punishment: The sources specifically criticize the practice of collectively punishing the entire Shia community for the actions of a few individuals. They argue that such policies, like the road closure, are unjust and counterproductive, as they harm innocent people, including women, children, and the sick [1, 5]. The solution involves treating all citizens as equals and punishing individuals for their own actions, irrespective of their religion [5].
    • Recognizing Shia Rights: The sources imply the importance of recognizing the rights of the Shia community in Para Chinar, avoiding policies that are seen as deliberately oppressive.

    In summary, the proposed solution for peace in Para Chinar is multifaceted. It emphasizes dialogue with the existing Shia leadership, building trust, organizing a joint Shia-Sunni conference, joint action against criminals within each community, addressing external incitement of sectarian violence, and ceasing policies of collective punishment. The core of the solution involves cooperation between Shia and Sunni communities with a focus on justice and mutual respect [3].

    By Amjad Izhar
    Contact: amjad.izhar@gmail.com
    https://amjadizhar.blog